15 July, 2008
Business Times, Singapore
Every now and then, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi does manage to surprise.
Last week's was the unexpected specification of a date by which he would step down from office — the June 2010 timeline backed by his deputy Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak.
Pressured to leave after a poor performance at the March polls, Abdullah has bought himself two more years to push through poverty eradication programmes and to implement promised reforms, particularly in major institutions such as the judiciary, anti-corruption agency (ACA), and police.
Interestingly, his announcement coincided with two significant moves last week.
The first was by the ACA to nab the Immigration director-general and a number of other officials for alleged graft in relation to visa scams involving foreign workers. According to the ACA chief, corruption in the department was so rampant, it “goes all the way to the top and threatens national security”.
The second was the decision to grant the ACA full powers of investigation and prosecution — the Attorney General's chambers currently decides if a case should be prosecuted — so that it can decide whether such cases should go to court whereas in the past it had indicated its hands were tied.
Public confidence in government agencies and public institutions is at such a low, few are outraged at such shocking disclosures, believing them to be only the tip of the iceberg.
Take for example the news item last week about a dissatisfied police officer who had lodged a report against his colleagues — including his seniors — over alleged monthly bribery takings from those involved in illegal activities.
The junior officer was upset that the lion's share of the takings was monopolised by the seniors, with the underlings getting very little, or in the case of the complainant, “not a sen”.
For the honest ones, few things can be as demoralising as being tarred with the same brush.
The long-awaited reforms are badly needed to boost public confidence in the various institutions, and if Abdullah is able to push them through, his stature among Malaysians will be considerably raised when he calls it a day.
Many Malaysians have found the recent public mudslinging and allegations of sexual misconduct and counter allegations involving Najib and de facto opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim off-putting.
For all of Anwar's promises of reform, should the opposition coalition manage to form the new federal government, he is untested in his commitment to championing “Ketuanan Rakyat” (People Supremacy) as opposed to Umno's Ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy). His detractors accuse him of being only interested in the expedient, especially if it will take him closer to his goal of being prime minister.
While the urbane Najib understands the problems and issues holding back the country in a globalised economy, such as the more than three-decades-old affirmative action New Economic Policy, he has not shown a willingness to do things any differently.
Unless there are further shocks and ousters, Abdullah is the here and for-now man.
Two years is not a long time, but if he sets his mind to it, and does not capitulate to the demands of Umno stalwarts to resist reforms for fear their interests would be compromised — the way he did in 2004 — he can leave with his head high.
If he can do that — and to many that is an admittedly big if — his mark left on the country would be indelible, taller than the twin towers. The clock is ticking.
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