It’s payback time

It’s payback time
15 Apr, 2009

Yes, it is payback time -- big time payback time. But it all depends on how far Tun Dr Mahathir wants to take these issues. The knife is in his hands. It is just whether he wants to use that knife to slit Tun Abdullah’s throat.

NO HOLDS BARRED

Raja Petra Kamarudin

There are 32 state assembly seats in Terengganu. 24 are under Barisan Nasional and the balance eight under Pakatan Rakyat. Yesterday was the second day of the three-day state assembly sitting but ten of the Barisan Nasional State Assemblypersons have refused to attend the session.

The ten Barisan Nasional State Assemblypersons, led by the previous Menteri Besar Idris Jusoh, said they are not boycotting the state assembly sitting as such. They just refuse to attend the state assembly until the police can guarantee their safety. It seems three of them have received death threats and they allege the death threats, which were sent via SMS, have been traced back to someone in the state government.

The Menteri Besar, however, says that the ten are boycotting the state assembly sitting and that he will not attempt to persuade them to end their boycott. In short, what the Menteri Besar is saying, the ten can go to hell. The Deputy Prime Minister has responded by telling the ten to not jeopardise the state government while the Prime Minister has ordered them to attend the last day of the session today.

PAS said if there is a vote of no confidence against the Menteri Besar they will support it. If that happens, then it will be eight opposition State Assemblypersons, plus ten from Barisan Nasional, to total 18 versus 14. That means Ahmad Said would be ousted from office through a vote of no confidence -- like what should have happened in Perak but did not because of the interference of the Perak Palace.

The ten, however, claim that there was never any intention to table a vote of no confidence against Ahmad Said in the Terengganu State Assembly. The reason they are not attending the assembly -- not to be interpreted as boycotting -- is because of the death threats they received from someone in the state government. The death threats, in turn, are because of the rumours that the ten intend to table a vote of no confidence against the Menteri Besar in the state assembly.

Very confusing isn’t it? Anyway, the long and the short of it is there is a crisis in the Terengganu State Assembly with ten on one side, 14 on another, and eight waiting to vote with the ten in the event there is going to be a vote of no confidence against the Menteri Besar.

Okay, forget about all that for the meantime. The issue that must not be forgotten is that Ahmad Said, head of the gang of 14, was personally appointed by the Sultan, in this case who is also the Agong. Idris Jusoh, on the other hand, head of the gang of ten, was rejected by His Majesty the Agong. Does this mean Umno is going to defy the Agong and oust Ahmad Said in favour of Idris Jusoh and risk triggering a Constitutional Crisis in Terengganu like what happened in Perak?

In the Perak Constitutional Crisis, Nizar Jamaluddin was accused of being a treasonous person (penderhaka) for opposing the wishes of the Sultan of Perak with regards to His Highness’ choice of Menteri Besar. What would we call Idris Jusoh and his band of merry men who also oppose the wishes of the Sultan of Terengganu with regards to His Majesty’s choice of Menteri Besar? Will, again, Umno carry placards labelling the Agong as ‘natang’ if His Majesty refuses to replace Ahmad Said with Idris Jusoh?

Yes, it’s payback time. But the question would be is it payback time for the Sultan of Terengganu or payback time for Umno or payback time for the Sultan of Perak who has just been shown that they don’t really need to agree to the Sultan’s choice of Menteri Besar after all -- like what they are doing in Terengganu?

And why does the Sultan not want Idris Jusoh as the Menteri Besar? The issue is quite simple really. From 2000 to 2008, Idris misused RM7 billion to RM8 billion of Terengganu’s oil revenue. The money did not go to the state. It went to Umno and Idris was the head of Umno Terengganu during that time. The Terengganu Monsoon Cup alone swallowed RM300 million a year over a period of three years. If you include the houses they built and so on, the total cost comes to RM1 billion.

Then there is the RM3 billion that is going to soon pour into the state, which the government promised the state during the recent Kuala Terengganu by-election. Whomsoever is the Menteri Besar can get his hands on that RM3 billion. Can you now understand why there is currently a big fight in Umno Terengganu? It’s all about the money. Repeat, loudly, after me: SHOW ME THE MONEYYYYYYYYYYY!

And talking about payback time, it is also payback time for Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. In 2006, Malaysia Today wrote about all those issues that Tun Dr Mahathir is not happy about. Bullshit! That was the response of many readers. They thought I was merely speculating or spinning a whole bunch of lies, or whatever.

As I always like to say: I just love it when I have the last word (or the last laugh) and can tell everyone, “I told you so!” -- even if it has to be three years later.

Top of the list of Tun Dr Mahathir’s pet hates is the cancelling of his Crooked Bridge. Rest assured the Crooked Bridge is going to be back on track and no one will be able to block it this time around -- unless the Tun keels over and dies from a heart attack or something like that. As long as he is still alive and kicking he will kick anyone who dares block his Crooked Bridge.

The next item on Tun Dr Mahathir’s agenda is the setting up of the Presidential Council -- with him as the head and Tun Daim and many others from his previous regime as Council Members. Way back in 2006 or 2007 I said this was on the cards. The Tun, however, personally denied this. In fact, not long after the 8 March 2008 general election, in his speech at the Singgahsana Hotel in Petaling Jaya, Tun Dr Mahathir announced the plan to set up the Presidential Council.

Almost as close to the cancellation of the Crooked Bridge, Tun Dr Mahathir’s next pet hate is the selling off of MV Agusta for Euro 1 or RM4.80. This was a write-off of Euro 70 million or more than RM300 million. Tun Dr Mahathir was furious as hell. He had plans for that company and Tun Abdullah’s decision to sell off the company was a slap in the face and a sort of vote of no confidence against Tun Dr Mahathir.

The reason given for selling off MV Agusta is that if they don’t sell it then the government would have to pump in another RM300 million to keep it afloat, on top of the RM300 million they already paid to buy the company. This is like saying whoever made that decision to buy the company, meaning Tun Dr Mahathir, was stupid and did not know what he was doing.

Now do you know why Tun Dr Mahathir took it very personal? He knew what he was doing and he knew that after paying RM300 million to buy the company they would need to pump in another RM300 million to keep it afloat. That was part of the plan and was no mistake. But RM600 million is considered still cheap and a good buy for what they were getting -- a motorcycle company that makes good motorcycles and has the technology to make small motorcars.

In a way Tun Dr Mahathir had a point. It all depends on how you want to look at it. The Germans spent more than RM1 billion on R&D back in the early 1980s to develop the 190E. R&D is not cheap. It cost billions. So paying RM600 million to own a company that has the ability to do R&D can be considered a good deal if R&D is what you are looking for and if you happen to have RM600 million sitting around doing nothing.

Whoever made that decision to sell the company was, however, looking at it from another angle. Why send good money after bad? You already wasted RM300 million. Why waste another RM300 million? You might as well cut your losses and save the RM300 million that is still in your pocket. And that was why they decided to sell off the company.

To Tun Dr Mahathir, however, the real issue is; who was it sold to? And at that price of Euro 1 or RM4.80 on top of it. And how much money did they make on the deal? This is what Tun Dr Mahathir wants to know and which has never been answered even how many times he posed that question. And this is what irks Tun Dr Mahathir the most. He feels someone did a scam and made big bucks by selling MV Agusta for a mere Euro 1 or RM4.80. And he wants to know who it is so that he can nail this person’s balls to the wall. And he suspects that that person is Khairy Jamaluddin. And he wants to nail Khairy’s balls to the wall plus the balls of all those others who were involved in the scam.

Yes, it is payback time. And it is going to be payback time in a big way. Those who ignored and sidelined Tun Dr Mahathir are going to feel the full weight of his wrath. And this includes Najib.

For a brief moment, Najib distanced himself from Tun Dr Mahathir and pledged undying loyalty to Tun Abdullah. This not only upset Tun Dr Mahathir but hurt him as well. It was not Tun Abdullah but Tun Dr Mahathir who gave Najib his job. If left to Tun Abdullah, Muhyiddin would be the number two instead of Najib. But now Najib regards Tun Abdullah rather than Tun Dr Mahathir as his boss.

That was when Tun Dr Mahathir decided that Najib needed to be taught a lesson and Malaysia Today was more than happy to help teach him that lesson. When Najib realised that his future lay in Tun Dr Mahathir’s hands and not in Tun Abdullah’s, he quickly did a U-turn and managed to save his ass in the nick of time. In fact, Tun Dr Mahathir had already written Najib off and was talking to Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah as the possible successor to Tun Abdullah. Najib was that close to losing the job of Prime Minister.

Watch what is going to happen to Islam Hadhari as well. The government is reviewing Islam Hadhari and will probably abolish it in due course. Tun Dr Mahathir revealed his contempt for Islam Hadhari when he remarked that he does not know what Islam Hadhari means and that he knows only one Islam, the one that Prophet Muhammad taught.

And, last but not least, let’s see if Tun Dr Mahathir launches an investigation into the Oil-for-Food scandal. This is another thing that Tun Dr Mahathir feels is an issue that should not be allowed to be swept under the carpet. The Oil-for-Food scandal has already been reported by the UN Committee and US Congress and the report has been published so you really do not need any fresh investigation. The name of ‘Abdullah Badawi’ is mentioned in those two reports as the beneficiary of the Iraq oil quota and there is even bribery involved.

Yes, it is payback time -- big time payback time. But it all depends on how far Tun Dr Mahathir wants to take these issues. The knife is in his hands. It is just whether he wants to use that knife to slit Tun Abdullah’s throat.

But what I find most interesting about all this is that I can recap what I wrote in 2006 and 2007 and shout, at the top of my voice, with glee: Didn’t I tell you so?

Najib's disappointing start

Najib's disappointing start
14 Apr, 2009

After appointing a lacklustre cabinet, Malaysia's new prime minister refused to answer questions from the media

This poor beginning raises serious questions about his leadership and calls into question his ability to deliver on the reforms that are critical for Malaysia's future.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Bridget Welsh, Guardian UK

Malaysia's sixth prime minister, Najib Tun Abdul Razak took office earlier this month, replacing Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. In Najib's first week, he failed key tests that show he can be his own man. He lost important by-elections, failed to address persistent scandals and selected a cabinet of lacklustre appointees that has not evoked confidence. He ran away from the press, declining to address basic questions about his government.

This poor beginning raises serious questions about his leadership and calls into question his ability to deliver on the reforms that are critical for Malaysia's future.

Before Najib took office he managed to win a strong mandate from within his own party's polls last month, as loyalists in his cohort rose to party leadership positions. Najib represents a third generation of leaders from the UMNO party that governs Malaysia. The first generation assumed office in independence, the second after the racial riots of 1969.

Najib's generation came into politics after 1969, and has matured under the shadow of Mahathir Mohamad, known for promoting economic progress while simultaneously closing political space and weakening political institutions. Najib's strong party showing was expected to set the stage for the new premier to introduce reforms and step out of the shadow of his predecessors. Early signs were good, as Najib's speeches highlighted reforms and the day after he took office he released 13 political prisoners held under the draconian Internal Security Act. Malaysians were pleasantly surprised with his first moves.

Skepticism reigned, however. After the five years of promise without delivery under Abdullah Badawi, Malaysians want results, not rhetoric. Many are not willing to give Najib the benefit the doubt. Part of this is his association with Abdullah's government, as deputy prime minister.

Another reason has to do with the heavy baggage of scandal that cloud Najib's leadership; his alleged connections with corruption in defence contract deals and links to a Mongolian model who was murdered by staff assigned to his security detail have damaged his reputation.

Last week, the two officers charged with blowing up the model were convicted. The government's response has been to ban the use of the model's name – Altantuya Shariibuu – further raising speculation about the crime and suspicions about Najib's involvement. There is no evidence that Najib was involved in the murder, but the lack of credibility that Najib faces – which is only enhanced when he refuses to answer questions – has hurt him.

An even darker shadow is Mahathir Mohamad. The former prime minister who governed Malaysia for 22 years systematically undermined Abdullah while he was in office. He has played a major role in mentoring the new generation of leaders, including Najib himself, and his values that have promoted Malay rights over those of other communities, undermined political institutions, deepened corruption and created a climate of insecurity among the elite that runs deep.

Najib is seen to be under the thumb of Mahathir. While this gives the former premier too much credit, the reality is that Mahathirism remains a force that must be addressed and Mahathir himself remains a political player in his agenda setting role.

These factors played out in three recent by-elections when more than 100,000 voters went to the polls. Najib's coalition lost two of the three contests. The contest it did win – Batang Ai in rural Sarawak – was the result of massive allocations of patronage (RM70 million in promises for 8,006 voters) and included allegations of ballot box tampering. Voters in West Malaysia in two traditionally strong seats for Najib's government, gave the Pakatan opposition coalition led by Anwar Ibrahim larger majorities.

These results were the product of greater opposition cooperation and the inability of the governing coalition to reach across races. Non-Malays voted in large majorities for the opposition. They were joined by large numbers of Malays who rejected the use of Mahathir for Najib's campaign and were tired of the endemic corruption in the system. Najib stayed away from the campaigns, showing that he is not ready to face the public directly. He received a sharp rebuke.

Najib had the opportunity to stem the tide of negative perceptions through his cabinet selections. Here too, he disappointed. The majority appointees are recycled old faces and Najib loyalists. While many of them are among the cleaner alternatives and his choices in finance and trade show promise, the inclusion of Mahathir's son, and reliance on his close allies who are seen to not make the grade do not build confidence.

This cabinet follows in the Mahathir mould, one that appears to focus on the economy and exclude the need for political reform. It does not include individuals who appear willing to address the albatross on Malaysia's economic competitiveness, the pro-Malay affirmative action policy, the New Economic Policy, that has become a vehicle for corruption. After announcing his list, Najib refused to answer questions.

Najib is running away from addressing the factors that will hamper his government. He lacks public support. He is trapped by the system he inherited, the shadows of Abdullah's unmet reform promises and Mahathir's hardline approach. He faces a stronger and more cohesive opposition. Najib's style is more measured, but in these challenging times and in the light of his public credibility issues, the tepid responses have disappointed.

With each passing day that the new prime minister fails key tests, his tenure is shortened. Najib cannot continue to avoid the fact that his political survival is based on winning over the Malaysian public and bolder measures that deliver reform are essential.

Hidden Dramas Hours Before Najib’s Swearing-in?

Hidden Dramas Hours Before Najib’s Swearing-in?
13 Apr, 2009

Looking at these two events, it is entirely possible that the King could have nodded his head to Abdullah’s proposed transfer of power to Najib early in the morning of April 1, but after deliberation over the appeal by the 81 MPs, the King could have second thoughts about hurrying through the swearing-in the next morning.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Kim Quek

Unusual occurrences on the day before Najib Razak’s swearing-in as prime minister have raised questions on the royal consent to his appointment. From the time Najib left the palace ground at 12.15 hrs on April 2, after an audience with the King, the nation was kept in darkness for seven hours as to whether the King had given his consent to Najib’s premiership.

It was not until 19.38 hrs that the first newsbreak came from Bernama stating that Chief Secretary to the Government Mohd Sidek Hassan announced that the King had given his consent to Najib’s appointment and that Najib would swear-in at 10.00 hrs the next day – which was the time previously circulated by the government. Was it not most extraordinary that the nation was kept in suspense for so many hours when the ceremony was only hours away? What was the reason for this big delay in announcement? Was there any problem with the royal consent?

That something was amiss was apparent in the morning of April 2 when then Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi went alone to meet the King, contradicting Najib’s disclosure on the preceding day (April 1) that he was invited by Abdullah to accompany the latter to meet the King for the royal consent to Abdullah’s resignation and Najib’s appointment.

Abdullah arrived at the palace at 10.00 hrs for an audience with the King to express his intention to relinquish his premiership. After an hour-long meeting with the King, he uttered only these words to the official media allowed into the palace: “It’s a matter for Tuanku to decide”. He drove through the main gate at 11.00 hrs without talking to some 70 reporters gathered there.

Minutes later, Najib’s official car and police escort drove past the palace and arrived at Abdullah’s residence at Jalan Bellamy (located near the palace), where the two leaders met for 10 minutes.

Najib, who was called to the palace, arrived at 11.30 hrs to have an audience with the King. He left through the main gate at 12.15 hrs and waved to the anxiously waiting reporters through his open window and said “Thank you”, without stopping to talk to them.

STRANGE SILENCE

Thereafter, complete silence – without a word from either the palace or the government on the outcome of the morning’s royal audience given to these two leaders, until Bernama’s statement in the evening.

Observing the above events, we can deduce that

• It must have been at the King’s request that Abdullah went to see the King alone – without Najib. Obviously, the King wanted to talk to Abdullah privately, and the hour long audience indicated that much was discussed about the proposed transfer of power.
  

• When Abdullah left the palace at 11.00 hrs, he gave the impression that the King had yet to decide on his proposed resignation and perhaps also his recommendation of Najib to take over the premiership.
  

• The lack of positive indications from both leaders after their royal audience and the long silence thereafter indicated that royal consent was unlikely to have been given during the audience. Otherwise, the government would have wasted no time to announce such consent, judging from its impatience to fix the swearing-in time and date, as reflected in several such premature announcements previously.
  

• Then, when was royal consent given, if at all it was given? What transpired between 12.15 hrs (when Najib left the palace) and 19.38 hrs (when Bernama reported the royal consent) on April 2?
  

For a better understanding of what actually transpired on April 2, we have to take note of two important events that took place on April 1.

One, Chief Secretary Sidek Hassan announced through Bernama that before the Cabinet meeting in the morning, Abdullah had an audience with the King, whereby the King consented to Najib swearing-in as prime minister at 10.00 hrs on April 3 and the King also agreed to grant an audience to both leaders at 10.00 hrs the next day, April 2, for this proposed power transfer. However, at 19.54 hrs, Bernama issued another statement saying the Chief Secretary had said his earlier announcement on the swearing-in was premature, and asked for the story to be ignored.

Two, Pakatan Rakyat handed to the King a letter by all its 81 members of parliament, appealing to the King to delay the appointment of Najib as prime minister until many allegations against him were cleared.

These included in particular the shocking scandals of the murder of the Mongolian woman and commissions in the purchase of Scorpene submarines, which of late had been well publicized in news media all over the world. The letter stated that premiership being the nation’s top job, it ought to be held by some one who was clean and of unquestionable integrity. It was therefore appropriate that His Majesty delay the appointment till all allegations were investigated by an independent commission and Najib’s name cleared.

ROYAL SECOND THOUGHTS?

Looking at these two events, it is entirely possible that the King could have nodded his head to Abdullah’s proposed transfer of power to Najib early in the morning of April 1, but after deliberation over the appeal by the 81 MPs, the King could have second thoughts about hurrying through the swearing-in the next morning. Hence the Chief Secretary’s late statement to retract his earlier announcement on April 1, and the separate audience – instead of joint audience – to Abdullah and Najib the next morning.

As a conscientious constitutional monarch who takes his role as guardian of the constitution and the country at heart, it is also possible that Tuanku Mizan could be seriously considering a delay to the power transfer to clear matters up to protect vital national interests. But his hands appeared to have been forced by the drummed-up publicity for the imminent swearing-in only hours away via premature issue of invitation cards and a questionable last-minute news release by Bernama, both of these are deemed inappropriate.

Since it is the King who accepts the Prime Minister’s resignation, and since it is also his prerogative to appoint the new Prime Minister, shouldn’t it be the palace that makes the announcement of the King’s decision? Shouldn’t it also be the palace that issues the invitations – instead of the prime minister’s department – for the ceremony at the palace for the handing over of the appointment letter to the new Prime Minister?

Is it not an act of the highest disrespect to the King for the government to issue invitations for the swearing-in of Najib when the King had not even granted an audience to the incumbent Prime Minister to discuss about his proposed resignation? Or is the government taking the institution of monarchy as a mere rubber stamp?

QUESTIONABLE LEGITIMACY

We can well understand Najib and UMNO’s desperation to ascend the premiership in great urgency, since he has already been hyped as the savior of a sinking ship, and any hindrance to such ascendancy could spell disaster, nevertheless, such usurping of the authority and status of the monarch is an affront on our Constitution and serves to further undermine constitutional rule in this country under Barisan Nasional rule. It also gives rise to questions about the legitimacy of the new premiership.

It is an ominous start for Najib as Prime Minister, having just added another baggage to the many uncleared baggages Najib is carrying over to his premiership.

Dr M unwanted, says Zaid

Dr M unwanted, says Zaid
Friday, 10 April 2009 15:43

By Shannon Teoh, The Malaysian Insider

Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad had no effect on the April 7 by-elections and this shows that people do not want him anymore, says Datuk Zaid Ibrahim.

The former law minister, who has had a running feud with the former prime minister since his move last year to compensate judges sacked by Dr Mahathir in the 1987 judicial crisis, said this in an interview on the “Fairly Current Show”, a short programme that aired on the Internet yesterday.

Zaid, who is widely expected to join Pakatan Rakyat — most likely PKR — soon, also added that his former party, Umno, was too weak to stand up to Dr Mahathir and members were afraid of being ousted like Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who stepped down as prime minister last week after years of criticism by his predecessor Dr Mahathir.

"There were thousands of people in Sungai Petani they say, but clearly there was no effect," he said of Dr Mahathir's stop in Bukit Selambau in a two-stop blitz that included Bukit Gantang on the last day of campaigning in the by-elections.

PR, in fact, increased its majority in the two seats which, Zaid said, was an indicator of Dr Mahathir's unpopularity.

"He feels that people still want him. This is the problem with strongmen who some call dictators. Sometimes, they don't know they are surrounded by people who tell them their leadership is still needed," he said.

He added that it was the same throughout history, citing Suharto, the former president of Indonesia, and Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe, who also "do not know when they are unwanted".

However, in a recent blog posting, Dr Mahathir continued to insist that Abdullah was still "entirely responsible for all the ills" in Barisan Nasional which led to the electoral defeats as "a leader plays a big role especially in Malaysia and the quality of his leadership affects the behaviour and performance of his subordinates."

Zaid also mocked the idea that Umno wanted its longest-serving president back.

"It is not that Umno wants to take him back but he wants to rejoin. But nobody is brave enough to stop him. This shows Umno is very weak and its leaders are not brave enough to stand up to him because they are afraid of ending up like Pak Lah," he said of Abdullah, who was handpicked by Dr Mahathir but then suffered years of harsh criticism from him.

Zaid cited, as an example, the fact that Khairy Jamaluddin, Abdullah's son-in-law, won comfortably ahead of Dr Mahathir's son Datuk Mukhriz in the Umno Youth chief contest because "he interfered. If not it would be a tougher fight".

Zaid and Dr Mahathir most recently clashed in a war of words over the appointment of Datuk Seri Najib Razak as prime minister, with Dr Mahathir calling Zaid's plea to the King not to appoint Najib "very stupid".

The Altantuya murder: snippets from The Times of UK

The Altantuya murder: snippets from The Times of UK
9 Apr, 2009

Now that the court has delivered its verdict as to whether the two UTK officers are guilty of murdering Altantuya Shaariibuu, maybe we can flashback on just some of the things that The Times of UK wrote about the matter since the story first broke in late 2006. And why The Times of UK? Well, The Times of UK would not lie like how Malaysian Bloggers normally would.

NO HOLDS BARRED

Raja Petra Kamarudin

10 November 2006

An inquiry into the disappearance of a Mongolian model, who was apparently shot before her body was blown apart with explosives, was ordered by Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the Malaysian Prime Minister, yesterday.

His intervention came after police held a prominent political analyst in connection with the case that has caused a sensation in the country. Abdul Razak Baginda, 46, a member of the World Economic Forum, is the fourth person to be remanded in custody in connection with the death of the 28-year-old Altantuya Shaariibuu, whose body was found on Monday. He is a member of the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies, a television political pundit in Malaysia, and is studying for a doctorate at Oxford.

The others held after Miss Shaariibuu’s body was found on wasteland near Shah Alam are a police chief inspector and two police lance corporals, one male and one female. Mr Badawi said he had told the inspector-general of police to “investigate the case thoroughly and properly through due process”.

It has been reported that Mr Baginda met Miss Shaariibuu in Mongolia two years ago and the two had a relationship. The girl’s father in Mongolia said he believed they were married and that Mr Baginda was the father of her baby son.

His arrest sent Malaysian society reeling. Unnamed politicians and intellectuals described him as a “good” and “affable” man to the Malaysian Star newspaper. One said that Mr Baginda had showered Miss Shaariibuu with diamonds and other jewellery and had deposited $30,000 in her bank account. They had been on holiday together to Europe and South Africa.

“The father of murdered model Altantuya Shaariibuu will come with the marriage certificate to prove that they were married. He will also bring his grandson to undergo DNA tests to prove he is Abdul Razak’s son,” Mongolia’s honorary consul, Syed Abdul Rahman Alhabshi, said.

18 June 2007

An adviser to Malaysia's Deputy Prime Minister ordered two police officers from an elite bodyguard unit to murder his beautiful Mongolian lover, a politically-charged murder trial heard today.

The remains of Altantuya Shaariibuu, a 28-year-old translator, part-time model, and unmarried mother of two from Mongolia, were found blown up by explosives in a jungle clearing near Kuala Lumpur late last year.

Abdul Razak Baginda, 47-year-old father of a teenage daughter, planned the murder, prosecutors said in what promises to be the most closely-followed trial in Malaysia for years. Mr Abdul Razak and the two police officers face the gallows if found guilty.

Mr Abdul Razak is alleged to have turned to the police officers – from a unit charged with protecting Malaysia's leaders - after Miss Shaariibuu began blackmailing him when their relationship turned sour.

He was well known in Kuala Lumpur as a high-flier close to the ruling party and a friend of Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak, who has been forced to deny any knowledge of the case.

The trial, which has already been postponed in controversial circumstances, is being widely seen as a test case for a judicial system, which has often been criticised in the past as vulnerable to political interference.

Tun Majid Tun Hamzah, for the prosecution, told the High Court in Shah Alam that Mr Abdul Razak abetted the police officers "in planning and giving instructions so that the deceased is killed." He denies the charge.

He said that the officers, Chief Inspector Azilah Hadri, 30, and Constable Sirul Azhar Umar, 35, carried out the killing and that Sirul had confessed. The two officers are charged with her murder.

After their arrest, Mr Azilah had led police to the clearing where Miss Shaariibuu’s remains were found.

Miss Shaariibuu had threatened Mr Abdul Razak's child unless Mr Abdul Razak paid her, the prosecutor said.

Mr Tun Majid said that a pathologist's report would show that the cause of death was 'probable blast-related injuries'. A pair of slippers found in Mr Sirul's house were stained with what DNA tests proved was Miss Shaariibuu's blood, he said.

The trial had been scheduled to start earlier this month but was postponed after the attorney general replaced the prosecutor after he was seen playing badminton with the judge.

Before the trial started it had become a political football, with former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim calling for fairness and lamenting what he described as the failure of police to question Deputy Prime Minister Najib.

No evidence has emerged to link Mr Najib with the case and the Deputy Prime Minister issued a statement insisting that he had had no involvement with the dead woman.

Malaysia's judiciary has often been the subject of criticism. Nearly ten years ago Mr Anwar was himself dismissed by then premier Mahatir Mohammad and convicted of corruption and sodomy, a decision which was widely criticised abroad.

Mr Anwar has said that the judiciary and police are on trial in today's case, and Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has pledged there will be no cover-up.

22 March 2009

A FRENCH arms company is at the centre of a deepening scandal involving the sale of three submarines, the murder of a beautiful Mongolian interpreter and the man most likely to become prime minister of Malaysia next month.

All three have been linked in a sensational sequence of revelations that has convinced many Malaysians that the woman was killed to silence her demands of a share in the rewards of the transaction.

The scandal exploded last week after the French newspaper Libération alleged that the submarines deal and the murder of Altantuya Shariibuu, 28, were connected.

A glamorous, cosmopolitan woman, Altantuya grew up in St Petersburg, spoke Russian, Chinese, Korean and English, moved in elite circles and has been dubbed “a Far Eastern Mata Hari”.

She became the mistress of a Malaysian political fixer and was allegedly trying to extort money from him at the time of her violent demise.

Two members of an elite Malaysian police unit that protects top politicians are on trial in Kuala Lumpur, accused of shooting her in the jungle and then blowing up her body with military explosives.

Azilah Hadri, 32, and Sirul Azhar Umar, 36, officers in the Special Branch, could go to the gallows if convicted of abducting and murdering Altantuya on October 19, 2006. A verdict is expected early next month.

Their trial is unfolding as Najib Razak, the country’s deputy prime minister, stands on the verge of taking over as premier after a ruling-party leadership election, due within days.

Najib was accused by a young opposition MP, Gobind Singh Deo, in parliament, of involvement in the murder. Deo was suspended by the Speaker for making the remark. The deputy prime minister has strongly denied any involvement.

Testimony in an earlier court case has established an intimate personal and financial connection between the dead woman and a close aide to Najib, who was minister of defence at the time of the submarine deal.

The aide, Abdul Razak Baginda, was acquitted by a court last November of being an accessory in the murder. He has since been working on a doctorate at Trinity College, Oxford.

Baginda admitted that the dead woman was his mistress for about a year and prosecutors said she had pestered him for money after their break-up.

Just before her death she arrived in Kuala Lumpur, accompanied by a Mongolian shaman, who was to put a curse on Baginda if he did not pay up.

Altantuya was dragged away from outside Baginda’s home by two Special Branch officers, but he was acquitted after maintaining that he never gave orders for her to be harmed.

The Libération exposé linking the murder to the shadowy world of arms contracts has embarrassed the French war-ship firm DCNS. Armaris, a firm now merged with DCNS, sold the three submarines to Malaysia in 2002 for £937m.

Attention has centred on why Armaris paid £107m to a Malaysian company called Perimekar in 2006.

Opposition leaders alleged in parliament that the payment was a “commission” for intermediaries and that Perimekar was secretly owned by Baginda. Najib replied that it was not a “commission” and that Perimekar was a “project services provider”.

Libération has alleged that Altantuya, who toured France with Baginda in a Ferrari, wining and dining at expensive restaurants, learnt of the payment. It said she was demanding $500,000 (£345,000).

DCNS has refused to comment. It is already the subject of a French judicial investigation into corrupt practices, thanks to a whistleblower who has detailed bribery and industrial espionage allegations.

Last week, efforts to contact Baginda, a self-styled political analyst, at his new home in Oxford were unsuccessful.

Najib has avoided public comment but his politically influential wife, Rosmah Mansor, told the French news agency AFP that she was “shocked” by attempts to link her husband and her to the case.

The Times is published by a member of the News International Group. News International Limited, 1 Virginia St, London E98 1XY, is the holding company for the News International group and is registered in England No 81701. VAT number GB 243 8054 69.

By-elections to test Malaysia PM's reform promises

By-elections to test Malaysia PM's reform promises
5 Apr, 2009

Voters are sceptical over promises of reform, after Najib's predecessor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi failed to implement his own pledges to fight corruption and strengthen race relations during six years in power.

Channel News Asia

Malaysia: Malaysia's new premier Najib Razak came to power last week with an ambitious reform agenda aimed at winning back voters disenchanted with the ruling party.

His promises to overhaul the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), which represents majority Muslim Malays, and repair ties with the nation's ethnic Chinese and Indians, will be tested Tuesday in three by-elections.

"It is a referendum for Najib," said Mohammad Agus Yusoff, political analyst with the National University of Malaysia.

"He has to win the hearts of the people. He must work hard to bring reforms. He has to win back non-Malay support," he told AFP.

However, Najib comes to office with heavy burdens. The economy is sliding towards recession and the ruling party is in disarray after being mauled by the newly resurgent opposition in elections a year ago.

Voters are sceptical over promises of reform, after Najib's predecessor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi failed to implement his own pledges to fight corruption and strengthen race relations during six years in power.

And Najib faces relentless attacks on his reputation by the opposition which has sought to link him with corruption and the sensational murder of a Mongolian woman who was the mistress of his one-time adviser.

Political observers say the by-elections will provide a snapshot of the public mood, and show whether UMNO has been able to claw back support with its plans to tackle corruption and infighting.

The headline vote will be held in Bukit Gantang in northern Perak state, near the former tin mining town of Taiping, where a seat in national parliament is up for grabs.

The other votes are for seats in state parliaments - one in the northern state of Kedah and another in Sarawak on Borneo island which until now has been a stronghold of the UMNO-led coalition.

Najib has already presided over two by-election losses for the Barisan Nasional coalition since the disastrous March 2008 general elections, when it lost a third of parliamentary seats and five states to the opposition.

In his first act as premier, Najib announced Friday that he was revoking a controversial ban on two opposition newspapers and releasing 13 people held under internal security laws that allow for detention without trial.

Among those to be freed Sunday are two ethnic Indian leaders who were detained after organising unprecedented protests alleging discrimination against the minority community.

But analysts said the gestures must be swiftly followed by more substantial moves to implement his wide-ranging reforms to tackle corruption and infighting, and decisive action to shore up the economy.

"He has to have strong political will to bring changes. If he fails to do it in the first 60 days he will miss the opportunity to bring reform," said Mohammad Agus.

"If he does not make major reforms quickly to win back the voters, that is the end of UMNO and Barisan Nasional. In the next elections UMNO and Barisan Nasional will be history."

Ngiam Ai Ling, an analyst with Fitch Ratings, said that the Malaysian economy was slowing down and that the ratings firm expected it to contract by 4.8 per cent in 2009.

She said that the government's 16.2-billion-dollar stimulus package unveiled last month could not prevent a recession, and that Najib also faced the problem of deteriorating unemployment.

"There is no escaping from the global downturn. In that sense I guess it will be difficult for Najib to manage the economy," said the Singapore-based analyst.

Outgoing Malaysian PM a disappointment: analysts

Outgoing Malaysian PM a disappointment: analysts
AFP

KUALA LUMPUR, April 3, 2009 (AFP) - Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is bowing out as Malaysia's prime minister this week after a disappointing term in power during which he was unable to deliver on his promises, experts say.

His mistakes provide a salutary lesson to incoming premier Najib Razak, according to political analysts, who said he must avoid repeating the errors that forced Abdullah into retirement just a year into his second term.

"He came in with so much hope of reforming the government and institutions, eliminating corruption and wanting to unite the various races, but ended up being unable to deliver on any of these areas," analyst Khoo Kay Peng told AFP.

Abdullah, 69, took charge in 2003 with big promises to battle corruption and improve race relations in Malaysia, where ties between majority Muslim Malays and minority ethnic Chinese and Indians had become frayed.

Hand-picked by his predecessor Mahathir Mohamad, who had exerted iron rule during his two decades in power, voters were excited over Abdullah's pledges and handed him a landslide win in March 2004 elections.

Once in power, he introduced his own brand of Islamic governance known as "Islam Hadhari" as a counter to the conservative Islamic party PAS, and hauled a cabinet minister and a tycoon before the courts for corruption.

"But this stern action was short-lived and it was back to business as usual with all kinds of cronyism permeating Abdullah's government," said Shahruddin Badaruddin, a poitical scientist from Malaysia's technology university.

Soon, Abdullah had a very public falling-out with Mahathir who was enraged over the cancellation of several of his mega-projects, including plans for a new bridge linking Malaysia to neighbouring Singapore.

The new leader was undermined by Mahathir's constant sniping, and the initial optimism that he had inspired among voters also began to wear off - particularly among minorities.

"Although Abdullah promised that he would have a multi-racial approach, non-Muslims were upset when the government became high-handed in actions against them," Khoo said.

A series of "body-snatching" cases by Islamic authorities, who seized the remains of deceased individuals against the objections of non-Muslim family members, fanned tensions and a sense of growing "Islamisation."

The ethnic Indian population became increasingly vocal, triggering an unprecedented anti-discrimination street protest in 2007 which was quelled with tear gas and water cannons.

The disenchantment bubbled over in March 2008 general elections, which saw the resurgent opposition claim one third of seats in parliament and control of five states in its best ever performance.

Abdullah initially refused to step down but in October last year was forced to announce he would hand over to Najib.

Many analysts say Abdullah allowed Malaysians a measure more freedom, giving the government-linked mainstream press more room to operate and tolerating a little more dissent, although Mahathir disagrees.

"What has happened is that Abdullah has got no power to administer this country," he said in a recent interview with AFP.

"His tendency is to bow to the opposition. He doesn't want to be all this 'free' and all that, but he feels he doesn't have enough support to be strong," he said.

In a final speech to the party last week, Abdullah sought to set aside the rancour of the past few months, when he was criticised as weak and ineffective and blamed for the UMNO-led coalition's worst-ever election results.

"I want to retire with an open heart and not have any hard feelings," he said.

But many say Abdullah is leaving a divided party which has struggled to respond to its electoral humiliation, and a country which is on the verge of a recession.

"I think the lesson that Najib should take away from this is that he must carry through with his promises to the non-Malays and ensure he cleans up the ruling party which Abdullah failed to do," Shahruddin said.

Malaysia ruling party in disarray over vote-buying

Malaysia ruling party in disarray over vote-buying

The Associated Press

Wednesday, March 18, 2009

KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia: Malaysia's ruling party was in disarray Wednesday after an internal probe found a top leader and 10 officials guilty of vote-buying ahead of elections for office bearers.

The revelations Tuesday exposed the depth of corruption and venality in the United Malays National Organization party, which have long been whispered but rarely admitted or confronted openly.

"This will send a shock wave through UMNO," said Mohamad Mustafa Ishak, a political analyst at North Malaysia University. "They just cannot simply ignore (problems in the party) by not taking any action at all."

The trigger for the self-examination was the drubbing the party received in last year's general elections at the hands of a disgruntled public, which made leaders realize their position was no longer secure after 51 years of uninterrupted power.

"The public perception is that UMNO is arrogant and has unhealthy practices. We have to clean up UMNO," Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak said. "We have to change or be changed."

The UMNO disciplinary committee, which investigated 29 politicians, found a prominent politician, Mohamad Ali Rustam, guilty of violating party ethics and barred him from contesting the deputy president post.

Mohamad Ali said Wednesday he will appeal the ruling and urged his backers to remain calm. He has strong grass roots support, and his followers are not likely to accept his ouster quietly, deepening party divisions.

The party will hold a vote March 24-28 to elect top office bearers to occupy senior government positions. The party's deputy president usually becomes the deputy prime minister.

Najib is standing unopposed for the post of party president, which will make him the prime minister. He will replace Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

"We have to defend our party which is facing many challenges," Mohamad Ali said. "We also want to see a smooth transition of power to (Najib)."

The committee also suspended 10 senior party officials, including three of Mohamad Ali's aides, for up to three years.

Former Law Minister Zaid Ibrahim, who was expelled from UMNO last year for attending opposition gatherings, urged the country's king Wednesday not to appoint Najib as premier. He claimed Najib was tainted by public perceptions of corruption.

Najib "will most certainly divide us and in doing so, will nudge us closer to the edge," Zaid said in a public speech.

Other cracks were already becoming evident. Home Minister Syed Hamid Albar said the timing of the disciplinary committee's decision was wrong, and could further destabilize the party.

Party members are also grumbling that Prime Minister Abdullah's son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, was let off with a warning even though he was found guilty of the same crime as Mohamad Ali.

___

Associated Press writers Julia Zappei and Sean Yoong contributed to this report.

Old guard to go as divided Malays face up to recession

Old guard to go as divided Malays face up to recession

Kuala Lumpur
March 26, 2009

Women supporters follow UMNO's five-day conference in Kuala Lumpur on closed-circuit TV. The ruling party is undergoing a major overhaul following its recent election slump. Photo: Saeed Khan

DELEGATES of Malaysia's governing party are meeting to choose new leaders in the biggest revamping of leadership in decades and an attempt to recover from a humiliating election defeat of the old guard a year ago.

More than 2500 delegates from the United Malays National Organisation are attending the five-day congress amid heightened political tensions after the authorities on Monday banned the opposition's flagship newspapers for three months and used tear gas to break up a rally by opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim.

The UMNO, as the dominant party in the ruling National Front coalition, has been in power since independence in 1957. But never has it appeared more vulnerable than now: riven with infighting, corruption and favouritism, it is rapidly losing voter support and is left to govern a country facing an almost certain recession.

"This is the most critical time in the history of UMNO," Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak said.

"We need to accept this challenge by making massive changes to the party and the Government. If we are not brave enough to change, we will be changed by the people," he told party newspapers.

The congress elects top party leaders, including its president, deputy president, three vice-presidents, 25 supreme council members and heads of the party's youth and women's wings.

The conference comes amid rising political tensions in Malaysia and increasing protests from angry minority groups.

Mr Najib will be elected unopposed as party president, a post that traditionally carries with it the office of prime minister. This is despite claims that he was linked to a murder case, an accusation he strongly denies.

He will replace Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, possibly on April 2 or 3.

Dissidents forced Mr Abdullah to step down and accept blame for the National Front's abysmal showing in the March 2008 general elections.

The party had failed to win its customary two-thirds majority in Parliament and conceded control of an unprecedented five states to the opposition. Party leaders acknowledge that failure to reform will almost certainly lead to an opposition victory in the next elections, due in 2013.

AP

Malaysia's PM blasts 'greedy' ruling party

Sarah Stewart, Kuala Lumpur

March 27, 2009

Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Najib Razak.

MALAYSIA'S outgoing Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi yesterday issued a damning indictment of the ruling party, saying it was contaminated by greed, complacency and internal rivalries.

In his last speech to the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) before handing over as party leader to his deputy, Najib Razak, Mr Abdullah lamented the decay that has set in after 50 years in power.

"We were intoxicated by our own achievements and we became complacent," he told delegates at its annual meeting. "We believed that we had become all-powerful. We have put our own positions within the party first."

Mr Abdullah said that elections a year ago, which handed the opposition control of a third of parliamentary seats in an unprecedented result that effectively ended his career, were a sign that "UMNO's glory has dimmed".

"Materialism has seeped into the party, making a number of party members greedy and avaricious," he said.

"The path that we choose will determine whether we continue to remain relevant or whether we are reduced to a forgotten footnote in the pages of history."

The 66-year-old drifted through a lacklustre term in power after taking over from veteran premier Mahathir Mohamad, who led Malaysia for more than two decades and publicly undermined his successor after the 2003 handover.

Mr Abdullah was punished at the ballot box for failing to implement reforms he had promised, including overhauling the police force and tackling corruption that is endemic in UMNO and Malaysian society.

However, he won some praise for giving more space to free expression after the repressive Mahathir years, and yesterday he warned the party not to resort to a hardline approach. "If we revert to the old path, I believe we are choosing the wrong path, one that will take us to regression and decay. It is a path that I fear will hasten our demise," he said.

Mr Najib has promised a radical overhaul of UMNO, but commentators say his political baggage — including low popularity ratings and unsubstantiated allegations of corruption and links to a sensational murder — will weaken his position.

Mr Najib has appealed to party members, who are voting this week to fill key posts, to install a strong new leadership team to help him bring about a turnaround.

There was an upset late on Wednesday when Mr Abdullah's son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, 33, seized the position of chief of UMNO's youth wing.

Pundits had expected him to lose, saying he was seen as having too much influence over Mr Abdullah and partly to blame for the disastrous polls. His prospects were further damaged when he was rapped for buying votes. But he edged out other candidates, including Mr Mahathir's son, Mukhriz Mahathir. AFP

Win by Abdullah's son-in-law shows shift in balance of power from Mahathir's family

Win by Abdullah's son-in-law shows shift in balance of power from Mahathir's family

Written by Baradan Kuppusamy of South China Morning Post

Friday, 27 March 2009 11:04

He was once the most disparaged young man in Malaysia. But today, 33-year-old Khairy Jamaluddin, son-in-law of outgoing Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, is being touted as a future leader after his stunning victory in the race to take the reins of the Umno party's powerful youth wing on Wednesday.

Mr Khairy defeated both Mukhriz Mahathir - the son of former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad - and a third contender, powerful former chief minister Mohamad Khir Toyo. The race between Mr Khairy and Mr Mukhriz had been closely watched as an indicator of the shifting power balance between the two feuding families.

Mr Khairy's victory has elevated him to national attention, and he is expected to be made a cabinet minister next month.

"He is the new rising star to watch in Malaysian politics," said Denison Jayasooria, a political scientist with the National University of Malaysia. "He is clearly prime minister material and could be one 20 years down the line."

The victory is all the more sweet for Mr Khairy and his father-in-law because of the strong public backing that Mr Mukhriz had enjoyed from his father.

"The delegates have given me a new lease of life," Mr Khairy said yesterday. "Emotions were running high during the campaign, [but] now that the election is over, my priority is to heal the wounds."

The son of a Malaysian diplomat who lived and studied in the Middle East and Europe, Mr Khairy graduated from Oxford University and returned to Malaysia in 1999 to enter politics as a member of the Umno youth wing. In 2001, his ambitions received a big boost when he married Mr Abdullah's only daughter, Nori. They now have two sons.

Mr Abdullah took Mr Khairy under his wing, appointing him to various posts before engineering his elevation to the position of deputy Umno youth leader in 2005. Since then, Mr Khairy has come under near-constant attack, described by Dr Mahathir and others as the Machiavellian power behind the Abdullah throne.

"He was young, tall, blue blooded, dashing and articulate - and also took to power easily, like a birthright," said Hassan Ibrahim, a veteran Umno member. "Naturally he generated envy and hatred."

Last year's elections — in which the Umno-led National Front coalition lost its two-thirds majority in the national parliament and lost power in five states — were a low point for both Mr Khairy and Mr Abdullah.

"Khairy was blamed by anti-Abdullah factions in Umno for making all the wrong decisions that led to the disaster at the polls," said Ramon Navaratnam, director of the Centre of Public Policy Studies, an independent think-tank. "The knives were out... especially for Khairy."

By December, Mr Abdullah had announced his retirement — leaving Mr Khairy isolated. "His friends urged Khairy to step back, take a break and let the storm blow over, but instead Khairy took the bull by the horns," Dr Navaratnam said.

He re-engineered himself as a champion of Malay rights and a defender of Umno, and took the lead in various political battles, finally earning kudos from some Umno members. That, coupled with the tacit support of deputy prime minister Najib Razak, paid off on Wednesday. The very delegates who had once jeered him now see him as a future leader.

"He is definitely a man to watch under any circumstances," Dr Denison said. "The challenge now is how he manages his victory, whether he can consolidate and lay down firm roots in Umno and the country." — South China Morning Post

Anwar, Razaleigh union could wreck BN

Anwar, Razaleigh union could wreck BN
27 Mar, 2009

Khairy is said to be anti-Malay culture and is not seen as a leader who will inspire Malays to become nationalists Malays. In the opposition grouping, Khairy is seen as a hurdle to their own Malaysian Nationalistic agenda. That makes Khairy the person to watch and the young leader that may become the deciding factor in the future of the Umno.

Ali Cordoba http://wfol.tv/index.php

Malaysia is in a state of transition with a new Prime Minister taking over the helm from the outgoing Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. The writing on the wall however indicates it will be the toughest transitory period in Malaysia and a familiar name emerges with unprecedented hopes for Malaysia: Tengku Razaleigh Hamza.

It is clear that a union of Anwar Ibrahim with the hostorical baggage that Tungku Razaleigh Hamza, a member of the United Malays National Organization (Umno) carries, could make a difference but the ball is in the camp of the opposition. The opposition union Pakatan Rakyat (PR) must plan a winning strategy that could possibly include the leadership of Tungku Razaleigh in a bid to draw more support among the public.

It is almost certain that a survey on who has more popular support in Malaysia to become Prime Minister will end up with Anwar Ibrahim the winner but rest assured that Tengku Razaleigh still hold sway in local politics. It will not be surprising, as it is showed on this website’s polls on who would be PM of Malaysia, that Tengku Razaleigh comes second with some 26% of votes cast. A realistic poll carried out among the public would surely deliver a similar result, with the BN leaders, including Tun Mahathir far behind.

Najib Tun Razak, despite his superb victory in the Umno General Assembly, does not carry the same weight in the public and the Umno intelligentsia is aware of this element. The Umno is banking on the return of Tun Mahathir as shadow power player within the Umno itself and the BN at large in order to portray Najib Razak as the Malay unifying factor. This may work for sometime for the Umno but the country will find it tough to move on forward from the transition due to the overriding feeling in the public that the Umno is not in the capacity to run the affairs of Malaysia anymore.

With Khairy Jamaluddin as the Umno Youth Chief, the Tun M clicque will have a hard time pushing the Umno into the Malay nationalist arena and any difficulties for the Umno. Khairy is said to be anti-Malay culture and is not seen as a leader who will inspire Malays to become nationalists Malays. In the opposition grouping, Khairy is seen as a hurdle to their own Malaysian Nationalistic agenda. That makes Khairy the person to watch and the young leader that may become the deciding factor in the future of the Umno.

With such a scenario, the division in the Umno today means an easier path for the PR. The PR must set its agenda with a high note. That will be to take good advantage of the slow but inevitable disintegration of several Umno components. The groups that does not want Malay nationalism to win in the Umno and to influence the decision making process of the country will try to disturb the peace within the party. This will bring trouble to the leadership. The groups that are not benefiting from the Malay Bumiputera economic policies, and they are many, will put more pressure on Najib Razak to either review the policies or abandon them completely. The pressure will also be on Tengku Razaleigh Hamza to make a clearer stand within the party. If the stalwart politician remains silent and allows the Umno to go back into the path of repressive methods and the clamp down on freedoms in the media and in the streets, he will become a lost cause.

At his juncture in the political history of Malaysia, it is once again Tengku Razaleigh Hamza who appears to be the person who can change the course of this nation’s future. In the 1990’s he played a major role in the nation’s history when he re-joined the Umno and that helped the Tun Mahathir group in battling Anwar Ibrahim, trouncing him out of the Umno and of the government. The result was the ‘reformasi’ and today it is has evolved into the PR. To progress further, the PR must evolve again and this time with the support of Tengku Razaleigh Hamza.

The PR must show to the elderly Malay leader that his role is salient in bringing down the Barisan National in the next General Elections. Though the elections are far away, it will be of great importance to the Opposition to gain the support of royal politician. The PR has to plan on how to bring Tengku Razaleigh out of the Barisan National (BN), that is out of the Umno. This will be a tremendous task as the Tengku is still in the belief that the Umno will change and that things will be better in Malaysia. The PR must draft a sound political proposal that will be exposed to the Tengku, a plan that will show the dire need for the Tengku to be on the side of the majority of the Malaysian public and to support the opposition agenda.

The situation in theUmno is still not clear after the electioneering process in the party. There are a lot of hard feelings and this will be translated into more divisions within a party that has ruled the country since the independence. The division in the Umno will fissure the BN further and will also put intense pressure on the Malaysian cabinet which will be formed by Najib Razak. These will be fodder on which the opposition must pile in order to bring Tengku Razaleigh to understand the historical role that he can play in the national interest.

A union between Anwar Ibrahim and Tengku Razaleigh will solidify the PKR and the PR altogether. It is imperative for the PKR to open its doors to leaders like Tengku Razaleigh altogether. With his presence among the opposition, the balance of power in the country will tilt and it will do so largely in the favor of the PR.

As for the BN and the Umno, it is massive change in their policies that will help them counter the possibility of a change of regime in Malaysia. By and large, it appears that the BN is not able to press for change, bogged down by theUmno which is consistent in its belief that with 50% Malay support, it will keep running the affairs of the country and will win in any GE. The party has reached the point where only a total defeat in a GE will make it realise it was on the wrong path. With the GE set for another 4 years, the Umno will find it difficult to change to adapt to the needs of change in Malaysia. This is where the PR will find it easier still to press on the fissures within the BN and the Umno.

Abdullah pans Umno

Abdullah pans Umno
26 Mar, 2009

KUALA LUMPUR - Malaysia's outgoing premier Abdullah Ahmad Badawi Thursday issued a damning indictment of the ruling party, saying it was contaminated by greed, complacency and internal rivalries.

In his last speech to the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) before handing over as party leader to his deputy Najib Razak, Abdullah lamented the decay that has set in after a half-century in power.

"We were intoxicated by our own achievements and we became complacent. We believed that we had become all-powerful. We have put our own positions within the party first," he told delegates at its annual meeting.

Abdullah said that elections a year ago, which handed the opposition control of a third of parliamentary seats in an unprecedented result that effectively ended his career, were a sign that "UMNO's glory has dimmed".

"Materialism has seeped into the party, making a number of party members greedy and avaricious," he said.

"The path that we choose will determine whether we continue to remain relevant or whether we are reduced to a forgotten footnote in the pages of history."

The 66-year-old drifted through a lacklustre term in power after taking over from veteran premier Mahathir Mohamad, who led Malaysia for more than two decades and publicly undermined his successor after the 2003 handover.

Abdullah was punished at the ballot box for failing to implement reforms he had promised, including overhauling the police force and tackling corruption which is endemic in UMNO and Malaysian society.

However, he won some measure of praise for giving more space to free expression after the repressive Mahathir years, and on Thursday he warned the party not to resort to a hardline approach.

"If we revert to the old path I believe we are choosing the wrong path, one that will take us to regression and decay. It is a path that I fear will hasten our demise," he said.

Najib has promised a radical overhaul of UMNO, but commentators say his political baggage - including low popularity ratings and unsubstantiated allegations of corruption and links to a sensational murder - will weaken his position.

Najib has appealed to party members, who are voting this week to fill a range of key posts, to install a strong new leadership team to help him effect the turnaround.

There was an upset late Wednesday when Abdullah's son-in-law, 33-year-old Khairy Jamaluddin, seized the position of chief of UMNO's youth wing - a nurturing ground for future leaders.

Pundits had expected him to lose, saying he was seen as having too much influence over Abdullah and partly to blame for the disastrous polls, and his prospects were further damaged when he was rapped over vote-buying.

But in a shock result he won by a narrow margin, edging out other candidates including Mahathir's son, 44-year-old businessman Mukhriz Mahathir.

In another high-profile contest, former cabinet minister and political veteran Rafidah Aziz was knocked out as leader of UMNO's women's wing, in favour of her deputy Shahrizat Jalil.

Shahrizat is also seen as close to Abdullah, potentially creating problems for Najib who inherits a party leadership packed with allies of his predecessor who is being forced out reluctantly.

"Khairy's win was an upset," said political analyst Khoo Kay Peng.

"It has disrupted the power balance within Najib's team. He definitely wanted people from his own faction."

Najib, the son of a former prime minister and the nephew of another, was Thursday formally declared president of UMNO in a handover that by party tradition was uncontested.

No date has been set for the formal transition of power, but the king is expected to swear Najib in as the nation's next leader on April 3.

Malaysian political dynasties battle for key post

Malaysian political dynasties battle for key post
Mar 25, 2009
AFP

KUALA LUMPUR, MALAYSIA - The scions of Malaysia's top two political families faced off Wednesday as the party which has ruled the nation for more than 50 years reshuffles its leadership after a disaster at the polls.

The son-in-law of Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is vying with the son of his predecessor Mahathir Mohamad, as well as a third candidate, to become youth leader of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO).

The heated contest spilled over into a show of force Wednesday at the party's annual meeting before delegates cast their votes, with hundreds of supporters of the rival candidates staging an impromptu rally.

Mostly supporters of Abdullah's son Khairy Jamaluddin, and the third candidate Khir Toyo, they brought proceedings at the party's annual congress to a standstill as they squared off to chant and sing songs at each other.

Political commentators say that Khairy has likely lost his lead in the race after his representatives were rapped for vote-buying, and that either Khir Toyo or Mahathir's son Mukhriz are likely to be victorious.

UMNO's youth wing is a nurturing ground for future leaders, and the results due to be announced late Wednesday will be seen as determining which of the clans will control Malaysia's future.

The two patriarchs have had a very public falling-out since the 2003 leadership handover, and Mahathir's constant sniping after disastrous elections a year ago helped force Abdullah to agree to quit.

On Thursday he is to stand down as party president in favour of his deputy Najib Razak, who will be formally sworn into power in coming days.

Also up for grabs at the conference, which concludes Saturday, are the posts of head of the party's women's wing, three vice-presidencies and 25 seats on UMNO's policy-making supreme council.

The UMNO-led coalition, which has run Malaysia since independence in 1957, suffered its worst-ever setback in elections one year ago, when the opposition gained control of one-third of the seats in parliament.

Abdullah had been criticised as weak and ineffective, but many Malaysians believe a major factor in his downfall was the role of his 33-year-old son-in-law.

The Oxford-educated Khairy was an aide to Abdullah before marrying the boss's daughter in 2001, sending him on a meteoric rise that landed him the deputy youth chief position in 2004.

Eloquent and expensively dressed, Khairy's big ambitions and alleged influence with his father-in-law have seen him vilified on political websites.

Mahathir has accused Abdullah of pandering to the demands of Khairy, whom he said was influencing government policy, contracts and appointments - charges he denies.

'I've gotten used to it. As far as I'm concerned, nobody has substantiated any of this innuendo with any facts or evidence,' Khairy told AFP in an interview last year.

Mukhriz Mahathir, a 44-year-old businessman, wants to be seen as his own man but remains under the colossal shadow of his father, whose controversial two-decade rule brought prosperity to Malaysia.

He said Wednesday he was 'cautiously optimistic' of a victory.

'My chances are good. Since it is a three-cornered fight, I can win by a slim majority,' Mukhriz said.

Although Najib has declined to throw his support behind any candidate, some delegates said he was believed to favour Mukhriz.

'It is apparent that the deputy president is supportive of Mukhriz and to many this appears like a blessing for the job,' said one delegate, Rashiddin Haji Ahmad.

Malaysia Politics in Turmoil

Malaysia Politics in Turmoil
19 Mar, 2009

The anointment of Najib Tun Razak as prime minister could hit some bumps in the road

Najib's candidacy has been badly bruised by an extraordinary speech to the Rotary Club in Kuala Lumpur by Zaid Ibrahim, who was appointed by Badawi last year as a minister in the prime minister's office with a mandate to clean out the country's scandal-ridden judiciary. However, Zaid was forced out of office by UMNO stalwarts

Asiasentinel.com

Against all odds, what has been the almost certain anointment of Najib Tun Razak as Malaysia's prime minister appears to be foundering as opposition over corruption, high-handedness and other issues mounts, with former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and others turning cool on him.

Najib, Malaysia's scandal-scarred deputy prime minister, had been all but selected as president of the United Malays National Organisation, the leading ethnic political party in the ruling national coalition after the current prime minister, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, was forced out as party leader late last year. Najib must go through the formality of being named party leader in intra-party elections scheduled from March 24 to 29.

The odds are strong that Najib will get the job. However, no date has been announced for his takeover from Badawi, suggesting that there is still uncertainty within the party over his primacy. The party also appears to be reaping a whirlwind by encouraging young outsider candidates to go against established leaders in an effort to clean the stables. The result, a member of an anti-coirruption agency told local reporters, is that there have been so many complaints of political bribery and corruption that the board doesn't have the manpower to investigate them all.

UMNO is increasingly in chaos, not just for that reason but because public objections are growing over massive scandals when Najib was defense minister, including the purchase of three French submarines that netted a company controlled by his controversial crony, Abdul Razak Baginda, 114 million euros in commissions. Other scandals included the purchase of Russian Sukhoi jet fighters and substandard patrol boats costing hundreds of millions of ringgit in overcharges from a company owned by another UMNO crony, Amin Shah Omar.

Najib's candidacy has been badly bruised by an extraordinary speech to the Rotary Club in Kuala Lumpur by Zaid Ibrahim, who was appointed by Badawi last year as a minister in the prime minister's office with a mandate to clean out the country's scandal-ridden judiciary. However, Zaid was forced out of office by UMNO stalwarts.

In the speech, which can be found in its entirety here, (see Text of Dato' Zaid Ibrahim's speech) Zaid said the country's political institutions are "hollowed out caricatures, unable to distinguish vested party interests from national ones, unable to offer the man in the street refuge from the powerful and connected. Our social fabric that took us from colony to an independent nation and on through the obstacle of nation-building has reached a point where it sometimes feels like we are hanging on by a thread."

Zaid pointed directly at Najib, accusing him of a "shameful power grab" by overthrowing the elected government in the tin-rich state of Perak, of using a "sledgehammer" in the detention of journalists and of complicity in the award of the military contracts.

However, Zaid's most damaging charge was to make a clear reference to the long-standing reports of Najib's complicity in the sensational murder of Mongolian translator Altantuya Shaariibuu, who was executed by two shots to the head in October of 2006 and her body was destroyed by military explosives. Two of Najib's bodyguards have been the subject of a long-running trial for her murder and Razak Baginda, his best friend, was acquitted under questionable circumstances. The trial has been concluded, but the verdict against the two has yet to be announced. Baginda has left the country for England.

UMNO, Zaid said, "is on a rampage to regain what it lost by any method available and the man who is expected to lead it to victory is the man who succeeds Abdullah: Najib Razak."

Zaid's speech has been studiously ignored by Malaysia's mainstream press, all of which is owned by the major political parties. But bloggers, who played a major role in the election disaster that cost the ruling coalition its two-thirds majority last March for the first time since Malaysia became a nation, have published the speech widely.

In addition, Raja Petra Kamaruddin, the most popular blogger in Malaysia, has published a series of devastating articles on his website, Malaysia Today, including one from the French newspaper Liberation that tied Najib closely to the murder of Altantuya. Raja Petra also published a Malay-language copy of the confession of Sirul Azhar Umar, one of the two men on trial for the murder, in which he named Najib's chief of staff, Musa Safri, as the man who ordered the two alleged murderers to pick up Altantuya from in front of the home of her jilted lover, Abdul Razak Baginda.

The rising concerns over Najib have led to the unlikely possibility that dissident elements within UMNO and the other parties, possibly led by the veteran politician Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, would seek to form a coalition government with elements of Pakatan Rakyat, the three-party opposition coalition headed by Anwar Ibrahim. Others have called on Badawi to stay on, although the king has already accepted his resignation. One opinion poll showed that Badawi has stronger support – a weak 46 percent – than Najib at 41 percent.

Either scenario is farfetched. But in the meantime, UMNO appears to be falling on itself in the factional battle for primacy between the remainder of Badawi's forces,Najib's allies and those aligned with Mahathir Mohamad, who has continued to hammer Badawi and lately has written uncomplimentary remarks about Najib as well, saying he has not been a success as deputy prime minister.

An anti-corruption committee has barred the Malacca chief minister, Ali Rastam, from contesting for the job of deputy president against Muhyiddin Yassin, who is believed to be backed by Najib, on charges of throwing money around to UMNO delegates. At the same time, Mohd Khir Toyo, who is the Najib-backed front runner for the job of leader of the influential UMNO youth wing, was acquitted of the same charges. Apart from Ali Rastam, anti-corruption officials are also investigating the Tourism Minister, Azalina Othman Said and Umno Youth FT head Norza Zakaria, all of whom are reputed to be Badawi supporters and close to Khairy Jamaluddin, who is seeking to become head of the youth wing against Mahathir's son, Mirzan, and Mohd Khir Toyo. That has raised allegations that the anti-corruption agency, installed last year by Badawi, has become politicized.

In addition to attempting to overthrow the state governments now in the hands of the opposition by luring opposition members to the ruling coalition, Najib and UMNO forces have fanned Malaysia's always touchy ethnic divisions by charging Karpal Singh, the national chairman of the opposition Democratic Action Party, of sedition after Karpal announced he would sue the sultan of Perak for appointing an UMNO chief minister after Pakatan lawmakers defected in February, resulting in a 28-28 tie. Karpal's threat of a suit against the sultan was taken by UMNO as a provocation against the Malay royalty. Karpal's son, also a member of parliament, didn't help, however, when he called Najib a murderer in parliament, which got him banned from the house for a year

"The charges against Karpal are ludicrous because it was during the Mahathir administration that they amended the constitution removing the immunity of the rulers," said a longtime Badawi ally. "During that period, the comments made by Mahathir and his Umno leaders and the editorials in Umno-controlled newspapers were so bad that they should all have been charged with sedition and put behind bars."

Father’s Racial Policy May Be Najib’s Undoing at Malaysian Helm

Father’s Racial Policy May Be Najib’s Undoing at Malaysian Helm
20 Mar, 2009

Najib is also burdened by allegations from a private investigator, a blogger and an opposition lawmaker that he is linked to the murder of a woman near Kuala Lumpur in 2006.

By Shamim Adam, Bloomberg

Najib Razak was a teenager when his father, Malaysia’s second prime minister, started a program that gives preferential treatment to the ethnic Malay majority. Days away from becoming leader himself, Najib may find that policy shackles his efforts to revive a faltering economy.

Najib, 55, is running unopposed in elections next week to head the biggest party in the ruling coalition, a sure-fire ticket to the highest office. Business leaders -- including his brother, who runs Malaysia’s second-largest bank -- say the racial program impedes growth just when Najib needs it most.

“He’s got an uphill task ahead of him,” said Azrul Azwar Ahmad Tajudin, an economist at Bank Islam Malaysia Bhd. in Kuala Lumpur. “How he handles the economic crisis and political developments will show us if he has the mettle and staying power to be leader.”

Najib, currently deputy premier, will replace Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who failed to serve out his term after presiding over the coalition’s smallest election victory since Malaysia’s independence in 1957. Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim won support from Indian and Chinese minorities in the March 2008 elections after pledging to scrap the race policy, open up the awards of government contracts and cut corruption.

Malaysia may be set for its first recession in a decade. Najib, who is also finance minister, predicts the economy will shrink 1 percent this year at worst. As exports and commodity prices tumble, economists at CLSA Asia Pacific Markets in Kuala Lumpur expect a 5 percent contraction. January’s overseas sales fell 28 percent, while oil is down 52 percent in the past year.

Murder Case

Najib is also burdened by allegations from a private investigator, a blogger and an opposition lawmaker that he is linked to the murder of a woman near Kuala Lumpur in 2006.

Last June, blogger Raja Petra Kamarudin said in a declaration at the Kuala Lumpur High Court that Najib’s wife witnessed the placing of explosives on the victim’s body. Najib called the allegation “garbage” and said he and his wife gave a statement to the police. Najib has denied any connection to the death and declined to comment for this article.

Raja Petra was arrested on Sept. 12 under the country’s Internal Security Act. His wife, Marina Lee Abdullah, said the arrests were for articles that criticized the country’s leadership. He was released from jail on Nov. 7 after a Kuala Lumpur court ruled that his detention was unlawful.

In July, investigator P. Balasubramaniam said at a press conference that Najib had had an affair with the 28-year-old victim. He retracted the allegation a day later and subsequently disappeared, said his lawyer, Americk Sidhu.

Banned From Parliament

This week, lawmaker Gobind Singh Deo was banned from parliament for a year for saying in the chamber that Najib was “involved in a murder case.” Najib’s adviser, Abdul Razak Baginda, was cleared in 2008 of abetting the killing of the woman, with whom the adviser said he had had an affair.

Abdul Razak, Najib’s father, initiated the New Economic Policy in 1971. He was seeking more national wealth for indigenous Bumiputera, the mostly Malay “sons of the soil.” That group, about two-thirds of the population of 28 million, gets cheaper housing as well as priority for college places, government contracts and shares of publicly traded companies.

The 38-year-old policy is a “serious” impediment to competitiveness, and undermines unity and investment, Nazir Razak, Najib’s brother and chief executive officer of Bumiputra- Commerce Holdings Bhd., told reporters last month. The Razaks are ethnic Malays.

Corruption Concerns

Opposition members argue that the affirmative-action program has done more to enrich politicians and their cronies than foster national unity. Sixty-one percent of voters say corruption is the biggest problem for Najib’s United Malays National Organization party, or UMNO, according to a poll last month by the independent Merdeka Center, near Kuala Lumpur.

Najib said in an interview last October that he will gradually remove the program, which aimed to raise Malays’ share of total wealth to 30 percent, and replace it with a needs-based system at an unspecified time. Bumiputeras held 19 percent of corporate equity in 2006, up from 2 percent in the 1970s, according to a government report.

“He might try to buy time claiming that he will scrap the policy once the Bumiputera equity share has been achieved,” said Khoo Kay Peng, an independent political consultant based near Kuala Lumpur. “The main point is the equity share will never be achieved. It is now a political tool and used extensively to grease the gravy train.”

Unemployment Rise

Racial tensions that dogged Abdullah, 69, may escalate on Najib’s watch as unemployment rises in the slowdown, said Azrul at Bank Islam. The government expects the jobless rate in 2009 to increase to 4.5 percent from 3.7 percent last year. The ethnic program forces Chinese and Indians to compete for some jobs after Malay slots are filled.

“People are clamoring for a more level playing field,” Azrul said. “As things get tougher and people lose jobs, that’s a trigger for more social unrest.”

Even as the government spends 67 billion ringgit ($18 billion) on economic stimulus, Lin Yun Ling, managing director of Malaysian builder Gamuda Bhd., told a seminar last month that ethnic quotas may lead Malaysia down a “long and slippery road.” Foreign direct investment may fall 50 percent in 2009, the government forecasts.

About 1 million people emigrated from Malaysia between 1972 and 2007, according to the Democratic Action Party, a member of the opposition coalition.

Come Back Later

“The outflow of the more educated non-Malays has adversely affected Malaysia’s transition to become a more knowledge-based economy,” said Lee Hock Guan, senior fellow at the Singapore- based Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Lee, a Malaysian who has studied and lived overseas for more than 30 years, plans to return only when he retires.

Anwar, 61, a former UMNO deputy leader, is bidding for power with his multiethnic coalition and courting disaffected Malays. Najib’s National Front coalition lost its two-thirds parliamentary majority and control of five of 12 contested states in 2008 elections.

“Dismantling the New Economic Policy could mean losing the last bastion of support,” said Ibrahim Suffian, director of the Merdeka Center.