Government debt in 2009 more than 50pc of GDP, says audit

Government debt in 2009 more than 50pc of GDP, says audit

By Shazwan Mustafa Kamal

October 25, 2010

Najib said the total debt had been reduced but the Auditor-General’s report shows otherwise. — File pic

KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 25 — Malaysia’s government debt for 2009 rose to RM362.39 billion or 53.7 per cent of GDP, its highest level in five years, according to the Auditor-General’s report released today.

The Auditor-General said in the report that this was the first time the debt to GDP ratio had breached the 50 per cent mark.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak had said in Parliament in June that Malaysia’s total debt had been reduced in 2009 to RM233.92 billion from RM236.18 billion in 2008.

Najib had also said that the debt to GDP ratio for 2009 was only 34.3 per cent, up from 31.9 per cent in 2008.

But today’s Auditor-General’s report said that the government debt had risen largely due to domestic debt.

“The debt ratio to GDP at the end of 2009 is 53.7 per cent, the highest level in five years and over 50 per cent for the very first time,” said the report.

The report stated that from 2005 till 2008, there was a general decline in the ratio between the government’s debt to the GDP.

It was 48.2 per cent in 2005, 42.3 per cent in 2006, 42.8 per cent in 2007 and 41.4 per cent in 2008.

The main reason behind the high debt last year, according to the audit report, was due to an increase in the government’s domestic debt.

“Towards the end of 2009, the unsettled domestic debt and foreign debt amounted to RM362.39 billion, an increase of RM55.96 billion (from 2008’s RM306.44 billion) due to an increase in domestic debt.

“The government’s domestic debt totalling RM348.60 billion is 96.2 per cent of the total debt of the federal government last year,” said the report.

The report also showed a decline in the government’s foreign debt — from RM26.91 billion in 2005 to RM13.77 billion last year — while domestic debt steadily increased from RM201.76 billion in 2005 to RM348.6 billion in 2009.

In his June parliamentary reply, Najib had moved to quell fears raised by a minister that Malaysia would one day go the way of Greece and Iceland and become a bankrupt nation.

In a written response to a question by Lim Kit Siang (DAP-Ipoh Timor) in Parliament, the PM gave an assurance that the government was taking steps to ensure that Malaysia’s debts would be reduced and maintained at a manageable level.

Link:

http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/government-debt-in-2009-more-than-50pc-of-gdp-says-audit

Najib's brother says NEP punishes talented Malays

Najib's brother says policy punishes talented Malays

by THE MALAYSIAN INSIDER

05:55 AM Jun 21, 2010

KUALA LUMPUR - The brother of Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak said yesterday the nation's affirmative New Economic Policy (NEP) needed to be reviewed as it was unfair to the majority of the Malays and benefits only a selected few.

Mr Nazir Razak, who is the younger brother, is the chief executive of Malaysian bank CIMB.

When asked if the new generation of Malays are more open to reviewing the policy, Mr Nazir said: "I have met a Malay professional overseas who refused to return to Malaysia because he is of the view that successful Malays are not welcomed in the country. This is because the Malays' success is always linked to NEP. In fact some of them refused to return thinking that the NEP is not for them but only to selected Malay groups, so they are better off working overseas".

In an interview with Mingguan Malaysia published yesterday, he felt that the policy, introduced during the premiership of his father Abdul Razak Hussein in 1971, has deviated from its original objective.

"In the long term NEP is about national unity. But today we have deviated from the original intention of the NEP to achieve unity," said Mr Nazir. "For certain parties, NEP has become the cause of disunity because the policy has been misused by some people for profit".

He cited the lack of transparency in the allocation of bumiputra shares as an example of abuse.

"In the name of NEP, shares of listed companies are given out to bumiputras, but the question is who is entitled and who is benefiting from it?" he asked.

However, Nazir said certain aspect of the NEP such as scholarships allocation should be retained.

Opposition leader Lim Guan Eng, who is also the Chief Minister of Penang, cited Mr Najib's admission last year that out of the RM54 billion ($23 billion) worth of shares allocated, only RM2 billion remain in bumiputra hands.

"Those who have stolen from the Malays must be brought to book," said Mr Lim. If not for the leakages, the 30 per cent target of bumiputra ownership would have been achieved, he said.

Mr Lim added that retaining the failed policy would only make Malaysia stuck in what he called the "corruption trap".

Mr Lim said that while the NEP had noble intentions, it has become synonymous with corruption and cronyism.

French Legal Team in Malaysia to Probe Sub Deal

French Legal Team in Malaysia to Probe Sub Deal

SPECIAL REPORTS

Wednesday, 28 April 2010

(Asia Sentinel) Massive corruption suspected in billion-dollar deal tied to Prime Minister Najib

Joseph Breham, a member of a French legal team that filed complaints in a Paris court in connection with a potentially explosive scandal over the billion-dollar purchase of French submarines by Malaysia is due to land in Kuala Lumpur today, April 28, to seek further information on the case and to speak with local officials and their clients, the Malaysia human rights organization Suaram.

As Asia Sentinel has reported at length, the deal was engineered by then-Defense Minister Najib Tun Razak, now Malaysia's Prime Minister, in 2002 and resulted in a massive $114 million (US$151.1 million at current exchange rates) commission for one of Najib's closest associates, Abdul Razak Baginda. The purchase price included two Scorpene-class diesel submarines built by Armaris, a subsidiary of the French defense giant DCN (formerly Direction des Constructions Navales) and the lease of a third retired submarine manufactured by a joint venture between DCN and Spanish company Agosta.

Breham, one of the three lawyers who filed the case with Parisian prosecutors on behalf of Suaram, told Asia Sentinel the French court has opened a preliminary investigation into the matter and that he would be advising his clients on the next steps. Breham said he will also hold a press conference in Kuala Lumpur today to give some details to local reporters. Breham, Renaud Semerdjian and William Bourdon, the lead lawyer, filed the request to investigate bribery and kickback allegations against DCN first in December and filed additional documents in February.

The case has been making headlines in Malaysia - although few in the mainstream media, which are owned by the country's leading political parties -- since the gruesome October 2006 murder of Altantuya Shaariibuu, a Mongolian translator and spurned lover of Razak Baginda who had accompanied him to France on some of the transactions over the submarines. Altantuya was shot in the head and her body was blown up with military explosives in a patch of jungle outside of Kuala Lumpur. Two of Najib's bodyguards, who were directed to intercede with her by Musa Safri, Najib's chief of staff, have been convicted of the killing. Neither Najib nor Musa has ever been questioned by law enforcement officials about the case.

Although records showed Najib was in France at the same time as Altantuya and Razak Baginda, he has repeatedly sworn to Allah that he had never known the beauteous Mongolian. One report filed by a private detective hired by Razak Baginda said she had been Najib's lover first. After she was killed, authorities discovered a letter she had written saying she was blackmailing Razak Altantuya for US$500,000, although she did not say why.

In addition to the cost of the submarines and the whopping "commission" fee, it has now emerged that under the terms of the original contract, the vessels were basically bare of armaments and detection devices. The Malaysian military must pay an additional $130 million to equip them.

"You mean we bought bare metal?" wrote one incredulous and anonymous military official in an email to Asia Sentinel.

The charges go well beyond the Malaysian purchase. Judges in the Paris Prosecution Office have been probing a wide range of corruption charges involving similar submarine sales and the possibility of bribery and kickbacks to top officials in France, Pakistan and other countries. The Malaysian piece of the puzzle was added in two filings, on Dec. 4, 2009 and Feb. 23 this year.

French politicians seem to have a knack for backhanders. On October 26, in a trial that centered on illegal arms sales to Angola, Jean-Christophe Mitterrand, the son of the late president Francois Mitterand, was given a two-year suspended sentence and ordered to pay a $375,000 fine for receiving embezzled funds. The court ruled that he had accepted millions of euros in "consultant fees" on the arms deals between 1993 and 1998. In the dock with him were 42 people accused of selling weapons to Angola in defiance of a UN arms embargo, or of taking payments from the arms dealers and using their influence to facilitate the sales.

The trial, it was said, shined a light into a murky world of secret payments made in cash and discreet deals linking Parisian high society with one of Africa's longest-running wars. But it hasn't shined a light on what happened elsewhere with contracts concluded by the representatives of France, and particularly by DCN.

For instance, 11 French engineers employed by DCN, which peddled subs to Pakistan, were blown up in a bus bombing in 2002 which was first thought to have been perpetrated by Islamic militants. The 11 were in Karachi to work on three Agosta 90 B submarines that the Pakistani military had bought in 1994, with payment to be spread over a decade. According to Reuters, commissions were promised to middlemen including Pakistani and Saudi Arabian nationals. Agosta is a subsidiary of DCN. It is believed that Pakistani military officials blew up the bus in retaliation for the cancellation of the payments.

In the Taiwan case, the French company Thales, formerly Thompson-CSF sold six DCN-built La Fayette-class 'stealth' frigates to Taiwan in 1992 for US$2.8 billion. At least six people connected with the case have died under suspicious circumstances including a Taiwanese naval captain named Yin Ching-feng, who was believed to have been killed because he planned to go to the authorities about fraud connected with the case. His nephew, who was also pursuing the case, a Thomson employee in Taiwan and a French intelligence agent were also among the dead. It gradually emerged that some $600 million in commissions had been paid into various Swiss accounts set up by Andrew Wang Chuan-pu, the Taiwan agent for Thomson-CSF. In October 2008 a French judge finally ruled that no one could be prosecuted because of lack of evidence.

The Malaysian allegations revolve around the $114 million payment to a Malaysia-based company called Perimekar for support services surrounding the sale of the submarines. Perimekar was wholly owned by another company, KS Ombak Laut Sdn Bhd, which in turn was controlled by Najib's best friend, Razak Baginda, whose wife Mazalinda, a lawyer and former magistrate, was the principal shareholder, according to the French lawyers.

In the complaints filed in Paris, the issue revolves around what, if anything, Razak Baginda's Perimekar company did to deserve $114 million. Zainal Abidin, the deputy defense minister at the time of the sale, told parliament that Perimekar had received the amount - 11 percent of the sale price of the submarines - for "coordination and support services." The Paris filing alleges that there were neither support nor services.

Perimekar was registered in 2001, a few months before the signing of the contracts for the sale, the Paris complaint states. The company, it said flatly, "did not have the financial resources to complete the contract." A review of the accounts in 2001 and 2002, the complaint said, "makes it an obvious fact that this corporation had absolutely no capacity, or legal means or financial ability and/or expertise to support such a contract."

"None of the directors and shareholders of Perimekar have the slightest experience in the construction, maintenance or submarine logistics," the complaint adds. "Under the terms of the contract, $114 million were related to the different stages of construction of the submarines." The apparent consideration, supposedly on the part of Perimekar, "would be per diem and Malaysian crews and accommodation costs during their training. There is therefore no link between billing steps and stages of completion of the consideration."

Dear Najib Tun Razak

Dear Najib Tun Razak

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Wednesday, 28 April 2010

Today, I am not going to write an article. Dah letih menulis mah! Today, I am just going to publish the letter that Human Rights Watch wrote to Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak. I really do not need to add anything more as the letter is self-explanatory. So read on. And understand what it is that we are voting for in the general and by-elections.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

Letter to Prime Minister Najib on Malaysia's Candidacy for the UN Human Rights Council

Dear Prime Minister Najib,

Human Rights Watch is writing in regard to Malaysia's candidacy for election to the United Nations Human Rights Council. In support of its candidature for the 2010-2013 term, the Malaysian government circulated a memorandum dated March 9, 2010, outlining its human rights record and its pledges and voluntary commitments. UN General Assembly resolution A/RES/60/251 states that members of the Human Rights Council shall "uphold the highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights" and "fully cooperate with the Council." We believe that it is essential that countries which are members of the Human Rights Council adhere to these criteria. Therefore, Human Rights Watch asks for your commitment to make the following changes in Malaysia's laws, policies, and practices that affect the protection and promotion of human rights in the country.

Rescind reservations to human rights treaties

The Malaysian government has voluntarily committed to "strengthening capacities for implementation and enforcement for human rights conventions which Malaysia is party to, alongside reconsidering of instruments which it has yet to accede to."

Human Rights Watch is concerned by the extensive reservations Malaysia adopted when ratifying the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). The reservations to CEDAW, articles 5(a), 7(b), 9(2), 16(1)(a), (c), (f), (g), and 16(2), undermine the government's commitment to women's rights and contribute to the failure to protect the rights of women to equal participation in affairs of state, and in marital and family relations. The CRC reservations, articles 1, 2, 7, 13, 14, 15, 28(1)(a) and 37, minimize protections offered to children in respect to discrimination, torture, arbitrary detention, and enjoyment of the core rights of free expression, thought, conscience, and religion, association and peaceful assembly, and due process. We urge Malaysia to promptly review and rescind all of these reservations. In addition, we urge that Malaysia ratify the two Optional Protocols to the CRC, which prohibit the sale of children and child prostitution and pornography, and the use of children in armed conflict.

Ratify additional human rights treaties

Human Rights Watch has long expressed concern that Malaysia, unlike most of the world's states, is not party to all of the core international human rights treaties. We urge Malaysia to ratify without delay the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and to bring domestic law into conformity with these conventions.

While Human Rights Watch commends Malaysia for ratifying a number of the core Conventions of the International Labor Organization (ILO), we urge quick ratification of ILO Convention No. 87 (Freedom of Association) and Convention No. 100 (Discrimination in Employment and Occupation). We also urge that Malaysia take immediate steps to reverse its denunciation of Convention No. 105 (Abolition of Forced Labor), one of only two current denunciations of a core convention by an ILO member state. We further recommend Malaysia support a binding convention on domestic work at the upcoming International Labor Conference in June 2010 in Geneva.

Expand cooperation with UN Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council

Malaysia's voluntary commitments and pledges include "deepening and widening our cooperation with and support for the work of various UN actors and mechanisms involved in the promotion and protection of human rights such as the ... Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council," which includes special rapporteurs, working groups, and independent experts. Human Rights Watch welcomes the recent decision of the Malaysian government to allow the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention to visit in June 2010, and urges that planning for the visit be done in a participatory and transparent manner, involving all key stakeholders including representatives of Malaysian civil society long active on issues related to arbitrary detention.

However, we believe that the Malaysian government can and should do more. At present, there are eight outstanding requests from special rapporteurs whose mandates cover critical areas for human rights protection in Malaysia. Human Rights Watch urges that your government immediately extend invitations for visits to those on the "waiting list" and arrange to complete all eight visits by 2013. These would include visits by the special rapporteurs on (1) human rights defenders (requested 2002); (2) indigenous people (2005); (3) freedom of religion (2006); (4) migrants (2006); (5) human rights and counterterrorism (2005); (6) racism (2008) and (7) independence of judges and lawyers (2009) and (8) the independent expert on minority issues (2007, 2009).

In addition, as a matter of principle Malaysia should issue a standing invitation to visit to all UN special procedures mandate holders, including special rapporteurs, independent experts, and working groups.

Implement recommendations from the Malaysia Universal Periodic Review

The Malaysian government includes among its voluntary commitments and pledges that it will engage "continuously with all our partners and stakeholders to assess and monitor the implementation of recommendations" from the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process. However, Human Rights Watch is concerned that contrary to its pledge, Malaysia has failed to adequately consider numerous recommendations made by Malaysian nongovernmental organizations and by other UN member states. We note that many of your government's objections were directed against civil and political rights protections. We urge you to reconsider Malaysia's stance, especially since the voluntary commitments and pledges acknowledge that "the Government is increasingly sensitive of the need to balance the traditional emphasis on ESC [economic, social and cultural] rights with civil and political rights."

Human Rights Watch supports this commitment, and in addition to the above recommendations, calls on the Malaysian government to take the following actions as soon as possible, and in all cases before its next UPR review in 2013.

Repeal laws providing for preventive detention

Human Rights Watch notes that when you became Malaysia's prime minister in April 2009, you pledged your "intention to uphold civil liberties" and expressed your "regard for the fundamental rights of the people of Malaysia." We call on you to turn these pledges into concrete action by ordering law enforcement officials to immediately cease use of all preventive detention laws, and by starting a time-bound process to repeal those laws. The Malaysian penal code and criminal justice system are fully capable of addressing situations of internal security, and should be allowed to do so without resorting to preventive detention, which results in long-term arbitrary detention without the right to a fair trial.

Human Rights Watch notes your government stepped back from tabling the Internal Security Act 1960 (ISA) for amendment by parliament in March 2010. We are concerned that amending the law is not an adequate remedy because the law's core premise runs contrary to international human rights standards. Rather, we urge your government to publicly push for immediate repeal of the ISA as recommended in 2003 by Suhakam, the national Human Rights Commission of Malaysia. The government should also repeal provisions allowing for preventive detention under the Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance 1969, the Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act 1985, and the Restricted Residency Act 1933. Those who are being held under these laws should immediately be charged with a cognizable offense in a court of law or released.

Amend or repeal laws restricting rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association

In line with your statement as prime minster that "We [Malaysia] need a media ... that is empowered to responsibly report what they see, without fear of consequence," we urge immediate repeal of the draconian Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984, which requires annual licensing of publications and which has been used by the authorities to effectively penalize responsible media outlets raising sensitive issues and covering controversial stories not supported by the government.

We further urge your government to amend the Communication and Multimedia Act 1998, which places restrictions on the media by prohibiting "content which is indecent, obscene, false, menacing or offensive in character with intent to annoy, abuse, threaten or harass another person." Violations carry fines up to RM50,000 (US$15,620) and up to a year in prison. The law's vague and overbroad wording allows government officials wide ranging authority amounting to effective censorship of material running counter to government political views and objectives.

The government should also amend the Universities and University Colleges Act 1971 to provide for freedom of expression for academics and students on campus, recognizing that free exchange of opinions is a core element of academic discourse and learning. In line with the recommendations of the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Education, the government should amend the Act "to guarantee recognition of the right of teachers and pupils to freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and their right to participate in political activity."

The government should also amend the Sedition Act 1948, and narrow the overbroad definitions of "sedition" and "seditious tendency," which authorities too frequently use to censor expression or to jail peaceful political opponents and critics.

In line with Suhakam's recommendation, the Police Act 1960 should be amended to allow for peaceful assembly. License requirements for any gathering of three or more persons have long been used by law enforcement authorities to bar rallies professing messages the government would rather not be heard. Violent repression of peaceful rallies conducted without a permit has too often been the norm. Amendments should include revoking the unlimited power of a police district officer to refuse a license or to arbitrarily determine the conditions under which assemblies, meetings, or processions are licensed. Instead, amendments should provide for reasonable and negotiated conditions for assembly, and an appeal process that eliminates political grounds for withholding permission.

Human Rights Watch is seriously concerned with the Malaysian government's continued failure to amend labor law and regulation in order to ensure full freedom of association for workers. We note the decision of the ILO Committee on Freedom of Association (CFA) in case No. 2301, calling on the government to amend the Trade Unions Act 1959 and the Industrial Relations Act 1967 so as to bring those acts into full compliance with the right to freedom of association. We urge the government to act on the ILO CFA's recommendations in the case cited and to make the necessary legislative amendments to the relevant acts.

Provide for refugee rights and establish status determination procedures

The government should immediately ratify the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. Human Rights Watch recognizes the government's enhanced cooperation with agencies such as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, but notes that such cooperation and contemplated plans to ease conditions for refugees and asylum seekers is not backed by enabling legislation.

Respect rights of migrant workers and improve conditions in immigration detention centers

Human Rights Watch urges Malaysia, as a major labor receiving country for migrant workers from Southeast and South Asia, to promptly ratify the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families. Such workers, who comprise close to 30 percent of the Malaysian work force and contribute significantly to the economic development of Malaysia, are entitled to the effective legal protection that ratification and concomitant change in domestic legislation will provide.

The government should significantly reform its foreign worker recruitment practices. Specifically, the government should move the entire responsibility for registration and regulation of migrant workers to the Ministry of Human Resources. We call on your government to immediately end "out-sourcing" arrangements operating under the authority of the Ministry of Home Affairs that unscrupulous agents and middlemen consistently use to cheat workers and violate their human and labor rights.

Human Rights Watch urges your government to amend all relevant labor laws and regulations to ensure that domestic work is fully covered by those laws, and to conclude bilateral memorandums of understanding with countries sending migrant domestic workers so as to ensure effective labor rights protection, fair wages, safe working conditions, and guaranteed protection of basic human rights-such as freedom of association, movement, and expression.

While we recognize Malaysia's responsibility to secure its borders through immigration laws, we urge your government to de-criminalize illegal entry. The practice, rather than discouraging irregular migration, only succeeds in prolonging detention and increasing crowding in immigration detention centers (IDCs). The government's systematic use of corporal punishment against undocumented male migrants to penalize illegal entry should also be discontinued. Use of such punishment contravenes international human rights prohibitions against torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment.

Human Rights Watch also calls on your government to immediately take action to improve the living conditions for those held in IDCs. Reports from former detainees, supplemented by accounts from others acquainted with the centers, consistently cite pressing problems such as serious overcrowding, filthy conditions, bug and rodent infestation, inadequate sleeping arrangements, chronic food shortages, insufficient and unhygienic water for bathing and drinking, and woefully inadequate medical attention. Deaths from leptospirosis, a bacterial infection associated with water contaminated by animal urine, have surfaced in at least two IDCs.

Human Rights Watch believes that Malaysia's operation of its IDCs contravenes the UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners and the UN Body of Principles for the Protection of all Persons under any Form of Detention, and accordingly, are inconsistent with Malaysia's voluntary commitments and pledges to Human Rights Council. We urge your government to commit the necessary resources to improve conditions in the IDCs to meet international standards.

Suhakam: The Human Rights Commission of Malaysia

Finally, Human Rights Watch notes your government's commitments regarding Suhakam. Human Rights Watch supports your pledge of "increasing support for the roles and functioning of Suhakam" including its ability to undertake "public inquiries into allegations of human rights infringements free from government interference." As part of that pledge, Human Rights Watch urges that your government ensure that selection of Suhakam commissioners is conducted in a participatory and transparent manner that involves civil society organizations and makes use of an open nomination process. We also call on parliament to set aside specific times on its schedule for open debate on each Suhakam report it receives.

Human Rights Watch commends Malaysia for its decision to stand for election to the UN Human Rights Council. We wish to request a meeting with you or your representatives to discuss how Malaysia may best implement its voluntary commitments and pledges to the Council and to fellow UN member states.

Sincerely,

Brad Adams

Director, Asia Division

http://www.hrw.org/node/90069

Malaysian Submarine Scandal Continues

Malaysian Submarine Scandal Continues

NEWS/COMMENTARIES

Wednesday, 28 April 2010
French Lawyer Looks for Answers for Scandal in Kuala Lumpur

Breham said the French prosecution is particularly concerned about the fact that Razak Baginda's wife, Mazalinda, was the principal shareholder of KS Ombak Laut Sdn Bhd, which owned Perimekar.

Written by Hamish McKenzie, Asia Sentinel

Joseph Breham, one of a team of lawyers looking into allegations of corruption in a Malaysian submarine purchase from a French defense conglomerate, told reporters in Kuala Lumpur Wednesday that he had filed a 10-page inquiry with the French courts that calls into question the actions of a company with close ties to the Malaysian Prime Minister's best friend and aide, Abdul Razak Baginda.

Breham is also expected to question several witnesses in Kuala Lumpur about the case, which has broken into the open after years of silence in Malaysia. The inquiry, which now rests with independent French prosecutors, is directed at a €114 million (US$151.1 million) commission paid to a company called Perimekar, which Breham's legal team suggests was established in 2001 purely for the purpose of receiving the kickback. Najib Tun Razak, then Malaysia's defense minister, led the negotiations with the French government to buy the two Scorpene-class submarines, build by Armaris, a subsidary of the French defense giant DCN, and to lease a third a few months later, in 2002.

Political reformers in Malaysia say they are placing their hopes on the French investigation to get to the bottom of the payment to Perimekar and its implications because, they say, there is little hope that the Malaysian justice system will bring the truth to light. Despite repeated requests for information by opposition leaders in Malaysia's parliament, Najib and other top members of the government have refused to answer.

Cynthia Gabrial, who sits on the board of directors of the human rights NGO Suaram, for whom Breham and his colleagues are acting, told Asia Sentinel that "whoever's guilty must be punished, and if it has the be the French court system that actually brings this issue to surface, then so be it."

It isn't likely that anybody will get any answers soon, however. The Perimekar episode goes well beyond Malaysia and is believed to be just a part of years of peddling defense equipment including submarines to countries across the globe by DCN.

Investigating judges looking into some parts of the French establishment have been stalled for years by their inability to obtain defense secrets, partly because of a suspicion that they are related to top figures in French politics. In the past allegations have arisen that sought to ensnare such figures as Edouard Balladur, who ran against President Jacques Chirac, and Nicholas Sarkozy, now the French president, who was Balladur's campaign manager.

Perimekar, according to the Malaysian government, was paid by DCN for "coordination and support services" during the submarine negotiations. But Breham and Suaram say it's highly unlikely the company had the ability to carry out such a role.

"Perimekar was created only in 2001, a few months before the submarine contract was definitely signed," Breham told the press conference. "This means that Perimekar has no experience at all in submarine deals, has no experience in logistics, has no experience in nothing regarding submarines."

"Perimekar until this contract had never had any contract with any company. The only thing Perimekar had done until this signature of the €114 million contract was lose RM75,000 (US$23,310) in 2002. That was the only thing Perimekar had ever done," Breham said.

Breham said the French prosecution is particularly concerned about the fact that Razak Baginda's wife, Mazalinda, was the principal shareholder of KS Ombak Laut Sdn Bhd, which owned Perimekar. He said he hopes the inquiry will answer where the money for the commission came from, where exactly the money went, and if the money stayed in Malaysia.

Perimekar appears to have been subsumed into another company, Boustead DCNS, a joinrbenture between Boustead's parent company and DCNS, SA, the Frnch defense company. In its annual report, Boustead Heavy Industries described Perimekar as an "associate of the Group" that is "involved in the marketing, upgrading, maintenance and related services for the Malaysian maritime defence industry."

The inquiry is now at a preliminary stage, Breham said. If the French prosecution finds that the questionable elements surrounding the commission payment to Perimekar warrant further investigation, it will pass the case on to an 'instruction judge' who will conduct a deeper inquiry that could last for years. For instance, a similar corruption case involving DCN and the sale of frigate to Taiwan has dragged on for more than 10 years, Breham said. Then, if the judicial power believes there is sufficient evidence of corruption, the case will move to trial phase.

The scandal began to come to the surface in 2006 with the gruesome murder of Altantuya Shaariibuu, a Mongolian translator and spurned lover of Razak Baginda who had accompanied him to France for some of the transactions over the submarines. Altantuya was shot in the head and her body was blown up with military explosives in a patch of jungle outside of Kuala Lumpur. Two of Najib's bodyguards, who were directed to intercede with her by Musa Safri, Najib's chief of staff, have been convicted of the killing. Neither Najib nor Musa has ever been questioned by law enforcement officials about the case. Razak Baginda was tried along with Najib's two bodyguards but was acquitted without having to put on a defense in a trial that left more questions than answers. Immediately after his acquittal, Razak Baginda left the country for England, where he remains.

Breham said the French jurisdiction cannot consider the murder of Altantuya Shaariibuu in its investigation. "The only thing that France's jurisdiction will delve into is corruption."

BN shows how bankrupt it is of strategies

BN shows how bankrupt it is of strategies

Fri, Feb 5, 2010

By Daniel W. Delaware

BANGKOK: Malaysia, always in the shadow of its sparkling city-state neighbour, now seeks, it seems, to draw the spotlight of world attention upon itself but for entirely the wrong reasons.

The lacklustre Hobson’s choice premier Mohammed Najib Tun Abdul Razak, who has been struggling to be taken seriously and continues to struggle mostly, in vain, to try and restore the dwindling fortunes of his party, is behaving like a rabbit caught in the headlights of a fast approaching vehicle.

Dr Mahathir bin Mohamad’s wish to see Malaysia join the first world seems to become more and more of a pipe dream. The good doctor’s feelings towards Mr Najib’s predecessor, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, are well known, and the appetite for interfering with the judiciary is said to have started with the good doctor; so unsurprisingly there has been a tumult of criticism from human rights groups concerning the latest trial, as Anwar Ibrahim’s last conviction was so publicly overturned by Malaysia’s highest court after a lengthy delay.

The question all serious Malaysia watchers are asking is: Why is this happening again? The last bungled attempt to remove Anwar from the political landscape ended in utter ignominy, and the Malaysian state was most certainly the loser. Well, the best guess seems to be the analogy of a drowning man grasping at straws, however hopeless, in order to survive, because as a political strategy another trial is totally bankrupt.

Interestingly, the one factor the plotters appear to have totally overlooked is the present incumbents of the White House and State Department. Both of these current office-holders are unlikely to stay silent if history repeats itself in how Anwar is dealt with. Thailand has recently felt the new realism of the current American administration when the US ambassador in Bangkok wrote a letter to the English-language press deploring the forced repatriation of Hmong refugees to Laos, a most unheard of action in diplomatic protocol.

The Malaysian regime seems to lack the sophistication and good grace to deal with successful opposition as it desperately tries to cling to power. Voters have already punished it at the ballot box and are likely to repeat the process again. A suspect verdict on Anwar will draw nothing but opprobrium from the world at large and pigeonhole the current regime as only slightly more sophisticated than the generals in Burma in how it deals with its opponents, but not that much.—The Nation

Govt flip-flops put M'sia's international standing at risk

Govt flip-flops put M'sia's international standing at risk

Wednesday, 20 January 2010

The Malaysian government’s flip-flop responses and inability to co-ordinate swift and satisfactory solutions to internal crises may seriously hurt its standing with leaders of the first world countries, where importance is increasingly placed on transparency and security issues.

By Wong Choon Mei (Harakah)

Already, there is speculation that the United States may slap economic sanctions if Prime Minister Najib Razak’s administration is unable to explain how two F-5E jet engines could be stolen from a military base and purportedly sold to underground arms syndicates on Washington's blacklist.

The US is also unhappy over the recent spate of violence and vandalism against non-Muslim places of worship in Malaysia in retaliation over a court ruling that lifted a home ministry ban on non-Muslims using the word Allah.

“These are the two worrying topics that have caught the attention of the international community. But another one that is set to explode soon is the sodomy trial of Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim when it begins next week,” Dr Syed Azman, head of PAS international bureau, told Harakahdaily.

“Actually, it will be Malaysia that will go on trial for the whole world to see. The corruption and the manipulation can no longer be hidden and first world leaders will surely want an explanation why they should condone and not condemn the actions of the Umno-BN government.”

Losing faith

Indeed, it may be too late for Najib, who has been accused of indecision and snail's paced responses.The business community - both domestic and international - have already reacted.

In 2009, Malaysia registered unprecedented capital flight - about 50 percent of its GDP, which in 2008 was worth some RM739 billion. According to a UBS Securities Asia report: “Question: which Asian country had the biggest FX reserve losses in 2009? The answer is Malaysia, and by a very wide margin; we estimate that official reserves fell by well more than one-quarter on a valuation-adjusted basis.”

So far, Najib who is also Finance Minister has not explained to the Malaysian public the reasons for the latest capital flight - which dwarfs the outflows recorded during the 1998 Asian financial crisis. Even on the latest outbreak of religious bigotry, he has tried to downplay the incidents as a “minor aberration”.

"You can't blame people from overseas forming a bad impression. Even the Malays and the whole of Malaysia is fast losing faith in their ability to govern the country. Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin is saying one thing today and another thing the next day. Whilst the ministers within the PM's own department are making contradictory statements that further adds salt to the wound," Syed Azman chided.

Since the start of this year, 10 churches, a 100-year old Sikh temple and Catholic school have been hit by assailants, widely believed to have been encouraged by the inflammatory communal rhetoric from Najib and other top Umno leaders. Although they have denied instigating the attacks to rally Malay support for their party, no arrests have yet been made. Nor have they initiated any inter-faith dialogue to find a way forward.

Meanwhile, US Commissioner for International Religious Freedom, Leonard Leo, has warned: “How the Malaysian leadership deals with this issue will determine the political and economic future of the country”. The World Council of Churches has also expressed concern, urging "immediate action by both the government and civil society to resolve the conflict, in order to avoid renewed hostilities and escalation of violence".

Sodomy II

But it is the second round of sodomy charges against reform icon Anwar, which may tilt the balance and deepen the growing disaffection for the Malaysian administration.

Eleven year ago, Anwar, who was once the country’s deputy prime minister, was jailed on corruption and sodomy charges that he says were fabricated by the then-Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad to kill his rising political career.

In September 2004, about a year after Mahathir’s retirement, the Federal Court cleared Anwar of the sodomy charges and freed him. However, in 2008, as he was about to make his parliamentary comeback, a junior aide in his PKR party accused him of sodomy. Despite two hospital reports, including from the government’s own Hospital Kuala Lumpur, that found no evidence of penetration in the 'victim's' anus, Najib’s administration has insisted on a full-blown trial.

“The new case replays an old script with new actors. The current script also shows the previous episode’s features of political interference, manipulation of officers in the AG’s Chambers and police, and falsification of evidence all arising from a political conspiracy to stop Anwar’s political career,” said PKR vice president Sivarasa Rasiah, who is also a member of Anwar's legal defence team.

Four churches attacked - government powerless, says Najib

SPECIAL REPORTS

Friday, 08 January 2010

Najib Abdul Razak, Malaysia's prime minister, earlier said his government was powerless to stop the planned protests as long as protesters did not leave their mosques.

Al Jazeera

Four Christian churches in Malaysia have been attacked amid tensions over the use of the word "Allah" by non-Muslims in the country.

Attackers threw a molotov cocktail which failed to ignite at a church in the state of Selangor on Friday afternoon, media reports said.

The incident comes hours after a petrol bomb was thrown at a church in the capital, Kuala Lumpur, as well as attackers trying to set another two ablaze in a nearby suburb.

Police also recieved reports of cars displaying Christian symbols having their windscreens smashed in the suburb of Bangsar.

Hishammuddin Hussein, the home minister, appealed for calm and moved to assure religious groups in the country that "they are safe".

"I take the events that happened last night very seriously," he said.

"We want to assure the public that this was not a co-ordinated and well-planned action."

Ruling suspended

A Malaysian court had last week overturned a government ban on non-Muslims using the word "Allah" in their literature, allowing Roman Catholic newsletter, the Herald, to use the term to refer to God in the Malay language.

The judge has since suspended the implementation of the ruling, after the government appealed and the Roman Catholic church agreed to the suspension.

Muslim groups held protests after prayers on Friday against the court overturning the "Allah" ban, despite a warning from Musa Hassan, the country's police chief, advising organisers to "let this be handled by the court" and that he "will take action against anyone who acts to jeopardise national security".

Muslims in Malaysia argue that the "Allah" is exclusive to Islam, and its use by Christians would confuse Muslims.

But Catholic church officials say that for Christian indigenous tribes in East Malaysia, who are the main readers of theHerald's Malay-language edition, "Allah" is the only word they have known for God for decades.

Al Jazeera's Harry Fawcett, reporting outside a mosque in the suburb of Kampung Baru, said that protests were held within the mosque compound.

"There was a lively crowd, but not a huge one. Some of the protest organisers filed complaints to local officials over the use of the word Allah in Christian literature," he said.

Government powerless

Najib Abdul Razak, Malaysia's prime minister, earlier said his government was powerless to stop the planned protests as long as protesters did not leave their mosques.

Marina Mahathir, a board member of the Sisters in Islam organisation and the daughter of the former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, told Al Jazeera that many Malaysians are "deeply disappointed as to how this issue has been manipulated".

"This issue goes beyond words and debate. I think many do not understand aspects of this religion, which is why there has been a lot of misinformation going around," she said.

Fire in Friday's first incident gutted the administrative office on the first floor of the three-storey Metro Tabernacle church, shortly after midnight.

Mohamad Sabtu Osman, the Kuala Lumpur police chief, said a witness saw four people on two motorcycles breaking the glass front of the church and throwing an incendiary object inside before fleeing.

Molotov cocktails were believed to be thrown into the compounds of two other churches in Petaling Jaya, just outside Kuala Lumpur, before dawn on Friday.

The attacks on the Assumption church and the Life Chapel caused minor damage, officials said.

Osman said there were no fatalities in the attacks and police were investigating, but added that it was premature to link the attacks on the churches to protests by Muslim groups over last week's court ruling.

Heightened security

Lawrence Andrew, editor of the Herald, said many churches had employed extra security guards amid protest threats as a precaution for fear that matters "may just blow up".

And police say they have stepped up security at churches nationwide following the attacks.

Musa, the police chief, said he had "instructed all patrol cars to patrol all church areas - we are monitoring all churches".

Najib, the prime minister, condemned the attacks "because they will destroy our country's harmony".

"The government will take whatever steps it can to prevent such acts," he said.

Salahuddin Ayub, a leader from the Islamic opposition party PAS, also condemned the attack, saying Islam does not allow followers to destroy houses of worship belonging to non-Muslims.

"Even during war, those who seek sanctuary in houses of worship cannot be killed or the buildings itself destroyed," he was quoted as saying by the Malaysian Insider website.

Azmi Sharom, a columnist and law professor at Universiti Malaya, told Al Jazeera that "the unrest is not surprising because of the fact that the government has been pandering to these kinds of people for a long time".

He said the government allowed some groups to protest when others were banned because the main ruling Umno party - which depends on the Malay/Muslim demographic to remain in power - was "unwilling to do anything which would seem to go against what they think is the Malay/Muslim desire".

"This is a noisy demographic and it is potentially dangerous for Umno to alienate them, so this will be a real test for Najib's administration," he said.

Who is frivolous: PI Bala or PM Najib?

Who is frivolous: PI Bala or PM Najib?
7 Dec 2009

If Najib is a responsible Prime Minister, he should have felt duty bound under his oath of allegiance to the country to clear his name through a proper inquiry by an independent and reputable panel, now that the perception of his involvement has been so entrenched and pervasive nationally as well as internationally.

By Kim Quek

When questioned by reporters regarding private investigation P Subramaniam’s latest revelations implicating the family of Prime Minister Najib Razak in the Altantuya murder scandal, Najib snapped “I will not entertain any frivolous statement” and asked reporters to move on to the next question.

This curt reply to crassly cut reporters off from asking further questions sounds to me more like a reflex in panic, rather than a responsible answer from the prime minister of a supposedly democratic country. For it was a totally inappropriate reply to Bala’s serious accusation, made in circumstances that commanded respect and credibility.

What can be more serious than accusing Najib’s wife Rosmah Mansor and his brother Nazim of having used the “carrot and stick” meneuver to force Bala to retract his first affidavit which implicated Najib in the murder scandal?

And what can be more respectable than having his revelations made in an interview conducted and witnessed by three senior lawyers of the country?

Bala alleged that Rosmah’s close associate Deepak Jaikishan offered him RM5 million and Nazim threatened to harm his family unless he followed Deepak’s instructions. This happened on the day he disclosed his first affidavit on 4th July 2008. Fearing the safety of his family, Bala retracted under coercion the allegations linking Najib to Altantuya in a second affidavit the next day, and disappeared immediately with his family until his recent interview which was captured in video and recorded in transcripts. These were first published in Malaysia-today.net and later relayed by other websites including Malaysiakini and Youtube.

In the interview, Bala described how he was forced into retraction and how he and his family embarked on their fugitive journey to India under the overall direction of Deepak. That journey was a rather convoluted and lengthy voyage that saw them passing through or staying for various durations at Singapore, Bangkok, Katmandu, Delhi, Madras and eventually Chennai.

Bala exuded confidence with his detailed description of occurrences supported by factual details that pin point the relevant players, locations, times, dates, durations, hotels, monetary figures, cheques, bank accounts, etc.

Against these formidable allegations, all we have from the alleged culprits is deafening silence, despite the news being circulated in the Internet for more than two weeks. Until, of course, when Najib dismissed these as “frivolous” and not worthy of his response, during a press conference after an UMNO supreme council meeting on Dec 4. This effectively means that Bala has cooked up a pack of damned lies, according to Najib.

So, one of them must have lied. Was it Bala, or was it Najib?

FACTS FAVOUR BALA

A cursory glance at the facts and circumstances surrounding the latest controversy would enable one to readily conclude that Bala has the upper hand, for the simple reasons that Bala’s accusation is buttressed by precise facts and details that could be easily debunked if false, while Najib and his group have chosen to remain silent in spite of the serious nature of the accusation.

If Bala’s statement is false, and with the immense power and resources at the disposal of the Prime Minister, there is no possible reason for Najib not to have instantly ordered an investigation, and bring Bala to face the consequences for having so openly and repeatedly defamed the Prime Minister and his family.

If Najib could have Raja Petra Kamarudin - webmaster of Malaysia Today - charged for criminal defamation for the publication of an article in his website that said Rosmah was present at the crime scene, why can’t he do the same on Bala?

In fact, Bala’s case is even more serious, as he has signed two contradictory affidavits – a clear offence of false declaration – besides accusing the Prime Minister and his family of involvement in murder.

And why should the Prime Minister, his family, and the various law-enforcement agencies be so kind and forgiving to Bala as to leave him untouched, while the nation suffers the humiliation of its Prime Minister being openly defamed and ridiculed?

FROM ANOTHER PERSPECTIVE

Viewing the case from another angle – Bala’s perspective, it appears even more compelling that Bala was not likely to have lied.

Why should a family man like Bala falsely accuse the Prime Minister of involvement in the most heinous of crimes, knowing its serious consequences as an ex-police officer? What possible gain could he get, keeping in mind that he couldn’t have extorted any money, since the allegation is untrue?

Even if it is true that Bala had falsely accused Najib, that he had repented and retracted his allegations in a second affidavit, and ran away to another country to escape retribution, there is no conceivable reason for him to make a come-back to invent another pack of lies, thereby exposing himself for the second time to the risk of serious punishment. Unless, of course, he is a lunatic, which is clearly not the case.

GROUNDS OF SUSPICION ABOUND

Evidence of justice being aborted to protect Najib is found in the numerous irregularities that had occurred before and during the trial of the Altantuya murder.

Why was Najib not investigated since the first two accused, who were his body guards and took orders from him, had no apparent motive on their own to commit the murder, and the third accused was his confidante?

Why were the judge, prosecutors and even a defence lawyer abruptly replaced without credible reasons shortly before the trial?

Why was the motive for murder never raised during the trial?

Why did prosecutors and defence lawyer join forces to prevent critical evidence being pursued in court such as a certain photograph showing Altantuya and Najib taking meals together and the mysterious erasure of immigration entry records of Altantuya and her Mongolian companions?

Why was Bala’s affidavit barred from the court without credible reasons?

Since the third accused, who was charged for instigating the murder, was released without his defence being called, then who had ordered the killing?

It is clear that unless these troubling questions are dealt with satisfactorily, there is no way Najib can clear himself of suspicions that have surrounded him, least of all by waving away inquisitive questions by a curt reply like what he did in the said press conference.

In fact, such conduct only betrays his weaknesses. For it is plain commonsense that if Najib is on the side of truth, he would have welcomed reporters to ask questions – instead of crudely shutting them up – so that he has a chance to exonerate himself. And he would also have taken action against Bala ages ago, instead of inaction for so long – perhaps with the hope of the scandal fizzling out in due course?

The latest Bala revelations have constituted a solemn challenge to the integrity and legitimacy of Najib’s premiership, for which he must now solemnly account to the nation.

And the only way to do that without dishonoring his oath of office is to commission a truly independent panel to uncover the truth and account to the nation.

The Murder that Won't Go Away

The Murder that Won't Go Away
7 Dec 2009

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib again ducks questions over the death of a Mongolian translator

According to Alexa.net, as many as 1,700 sites are linked to Malaysia Today, whose own uniques run to as many as 100,000 daily readers. The Facebook interviews have circulated by email and have been translated into both Malay and Chinese. A photocopy brigade also copies and distributes translated items in the rural areas that do not have internet. Thus tens of thousands of people have probably seen the interviews.

Asia Sentinel

When reporters sought to question Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak in Kuala Lumpur Friday by reporters regarding private investigator P Balasubramaniam's latest revelations implicating Najib's family in covering up the murder of Mongolian translator Altantuya Shaariibuu, Najib snapped: "I will not entertain any frivolous statement" and asked to move on to the next question.

Balasubramaniam was hired by Abdul Razak Baginda, one of Najib's best friends, to protect him from the 28-year-old Altantuya in 2006 after Baginda had jilted her. In a series of conversations, Baginda reportedly told Balasubramaniam he had in effect inherited the young woman from Najib, who felt that as deputy prime minister it would be unseemly to have her as a mistress. Balasubramaniam disappeared suddenly after making public a statutory declaration giving excruciating details of Baginda's relationship with both Altantuya and Najib.

In a series of sensational exchanges published on YouTube in November, Balasubramaniam surfaced to say that after he had made public the statutory declaration giving the details of what Baginda had told him, he was forced to retract it and to disappear along with his family into India.

Bala alleged that Deepak Jaikishan, who operates a carpet company in Kuala Lumpur and who is a close associate of Najib’s wife Rosmah Mansor, had offered him RM5 million (US$1.47 million) and that Nazim Razak, Najib's brother, had threatened to harm his family unless he followed Deepak's instructions to disappear. This happened on July 4, the day Balasubramaniam disclosed his first affidavit. Fearing for the safety of his family, Bala said he had retracted under coercion the allegations linking Najib to Altantuya in a second affidavit the next day, and disappeared immediately with his family until his recent interview, which was captured in video and recorded in transcripts. These were first published in Malaysia Today.

In the interview, Bala described how he and his family had embarked on their fugitive journey to India under the overall direction of Deepak, a rather convoluted and lengthy voyage that saw them passing through or staying for various durations at Singapore, Bangkok, Kathmandu, New Delhi, Madras and eventually Chennai.

Bala gave a detailed description of occurrences supported by factual details that pinpoint the relevant players, locations, times, dates, durations, hotels, monetary figures, checks, bank accounts, etc, which were displayed on the Internet.

Circulated first on Malaysia Today, edited by Raja Petra Kamarudin, the Balasubramaniam interviews created a storm on the Web and were subsequently picked up by Malaysiakini and a flock of other blogs. According to Alexa.net, as many as 1,700 sites are linked to Malaysia Today, whose own uniques run to as many as 100,000 daily readers. The Facebook interviews have circulated by email and have been translated into both Malay and Chinese. A photocopy brigade also copies and distributes translated items in the rural areas that do not have internet. Thus tens of thousands of people have probably seen the interviews.

But against the allegations, Najib, his associates, his family and his government have maintained a deafening silence, at least until Najib dismissed the questions as "frivolous" and not worthy of his response during a press conference after an UMNO supreme council meeting.

Bala's accusation is buttressed by precise facts and details such as checks to Balasubramaniam that were drawn on Kuala Lumpur banks and signed by Deepak that could be easily debunked if false, while Najib and his group have chosen to remain silent in spite of the serious nature of the accusations. Although Najib as prime minister had the power to order an investigation to bring Balasubramaniam to face justice, so far he has not done so, apparently preferring to hope to ride out the accusations.

There are mountains of questions Najib could have answered. Evidence of justice being aborted to protect Najib is found in the numerous irregularities that have occurred before and during the trial of the Altantuya murder. Najib was not questioned despite the fact that the two elite bodyguards who were convicted of the woman's gruesome execution took orders from him. Najib's chief of staff, Musa Safri, by Baginda's admission, sent the two bodyguards to pick her up. The two convicted policemen had no apparent motive to commit the murder on their own.

The judge, prosecutors and even a defence lawyer abruptly replaced without credible reasons shortly before the trial. No motive for the murder was ever raised during the trial.

Both prosecutors and defense lawyer teamed up during the trial to prevent critical evidence being pursued in court, such as reports of a photograph showing Altantuya and Najib taking meals together. Immigration entry records of Altantuya and her Mongolian companions disappeared from the immigration ministry. Bala's original affidavit ws barred from the court without credible reasons.

Baginda, the third accused, who was charged with instigating the murder, was released without his defense being called, leaving open the question of who ordered the killing – especially since a confession by one of the two bodyguards indicated someone was going to pay them RM100,000 to kill her and her Mongolian companions – who were spared after the two went to their hotel to discover the building was protected by CCTV. Instead they chose to pick up Altantuya in front of Baginda's house and drive her to a suburb where she was shot in the head and her body was blown up with explosives.

It is difficult for Najib to this clear himself of the lingering suspicions that have surrounded him and his wife, by waving away inquisitive questions by a curt reply like he gave at the press conference. The latest Bala revelations are regarded as constituting a challenge to the integrity and legitimacy of Najib's premiership, for which he must now account to the nation. The only way to do that without dishonoring his oath of office is to commission a truly independent panel to uncover the truth and account to the nation. It is unlikely, however, that any independent panel would ever be established.

The Invasion of Malaysia

The Invasion of Malaysia
4 Oct, 2009

You see, who can realistically monitor 1,200km of Jungle Borders? Who can monitor the Indonesian Islands just beyond the shores of Tioman? And who can monitor the entire Straits of Malacca?

Michael Chick

If Indonesia were to really attack Malaysia on the 8th of October as the Jakarta Globe reports (http://thejakartaglobe.com/home/indonesian-vigilantes-prepare-for-battle-in-malaysia/331775 ) it would be an easy walkover. To begin with, Indonesia has a 240million population. That's 10 times the population of Malaysia alone. Not to mention the 4 million Indonesians who have been neutralized, and become members of UMNO. Add to that number the Millions who work in construction sites and as maids in Malaysian homes. If any (Intelligent) Protocols were to be observed, Malaysian National Security would have been breached already. Migratory Indonesians constitute to almost 55% of the entire Malaysian Population to begin with.

Do you actually believe that migrant Indonesians like Khir Toyo would stand up for Malaysia when he has a parang to his throat? Do you actually believe that Najib would not immediately claim his Sulawesi origins while staring down the barrel of a gun? Or how about Mahathir? Would he not scream and shout that he is an Indian, pleading for his life, when he is facing a beheading? After all, that's exactly how he filled out his application form at NUS (National University of Singapore) when he was younger.

Geographically speaking, Malaysia is surrounded by Indonesia. There is free passage between Sarawak, Sabah, and Kalimantan. You see, who can realistically monitor 1,200km of Jungle Borders? Who can monitor the Indonesian Islands just beyond the shores of Tioman? And who can monitor the entire Straits of Malacca? Of course, some may argue that the Indonesians are too busy with rescue work in Padang. However obscure this possible Invasion is, the truth of the matter stands; and that is, if Indonesia does really launch an attack on Malaysia, then she is finished.

Whose "skirt" would UMNO hide under? Would she sell-out to Indonesia? Would she say that "UMNO was safeguarding Malaysia for Indonesia all these years?" What would really happen? Look at how Malaysian Kampong names are given. Kampong Jawa, Kampong Acheh, Kampong Cham, and so on. What this tells us, is that the migrants are still hanging on to their original identity. And all this started ever since The Majapahit Buddhist Renegade Prince called Parameswara crawled into Malaysia via Singapore 600years ago. Buddhist? Most likely! You see, Indonesia now recognizes that Jambi was the center of the Majapahit rule, and not Palembang, as originally thought. There, numerous local and foreign archaeologists have turned up countless Buddhist Temples including a 30ft Statue of Buddha submerged in Kampong Melayu. The same as those found at Johor's Kota Gelanggi (http://allmalaysia.info/news/story.asp?file=/2005/2/3/state/10070103 )

The original "Puak Melayu" (Malay Tribe), numbering circa 1,000, who lived in Malaysia 2,000yrs ago, were Hindu, as Lembah Bujang proves. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bujang_Valley ) A 1,000 population at that time was considered to be extremely huge. So we need to understand what the texts mean when we read of "enormous populations" from old texts. And it makes for better story-telling.

Is the Jakarta Globe spinning a yarn? Are Indonesians flaunting empty threats? Will there be another "Perang Saudara"? If this is indeed a "spin", it must have definitely been started by some Instant Noodle Companies, because that's what all Malaysians will do when there's any wind of a "disturbance".

Poor Malaysia.

M'sia's weekend clampdown on opposition march: Q&A

M'sia's weekend clampdown on opposition march: Q&A
Aug 03, 2009
Reuters

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 3 (Reuters) - Malaysian police arrested almost 600 people on Saturday who were protesting in the capital against the country's Internal Security Act (ISA), a measure that allows imprisonment without trial.

The protest involving around 10,000 people was the biggest since a march to demand rights for ethnic Indians in this Southeast Asian country of 27 million people in November 2007. Most of those detained have been released although the top lawyer for opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim remains in custody.

Anwar faces what he says are politically motivated charges of sodomy, a re-run of a case, following his dismissal as deputy prime minister in 1998, which imprisoned him for six years. The new case has drawn scrutiny of Malaysia's legal system.

WHY PROTEST AGAINST ISA?

The ISA, descended from British-era laws, was used against an ethnic Chinese communist insurgency from the 1940s. Although now largely used against suspected Islamic militants, critics fear it could be used again to stifle dissent. Saturday's rally was less about ISA than to show Anwar's political strength.

The ISA has been used against politicians accused of fomenting racial discord, a sensitive issue in a country where the majority is ethnic Malay but with significant ethnic Chinese and Indian minorities. The ISA, coupled with sedition laws and licensing requirements for newspapers, equip Malaysia's government with a formidable arsenal to clamp down on dissent.

When Najib Razak was appointed the new prime minister in April, he released Indian rights activists from ISA detention and pledged to review the law, but has yet to act. The opposition, which has painted the son of Malaysia's second prime minister as a hardliner, says the weekend clampdown shows Najib will not allow any challenge to the government that has ruled this Southeast Asian country for the past 51 years.

By showing a firm grip on law and order issues, Najib can placate Malays and his United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) party, which is the linchpin of the ruling coalition.

WILL THE PROTESTS SPREAD?

Malaysia does not look set to be the next Thailand. Despite use of repressive measures, the government has survived largely by delivering economic growth, strong leadership and by making opportune alliances to stay in power.

Even the furore whipped up over the Anwar trial, and by the recent death of an aide to an opposition legislator after being questioned by a government body, does not appear to have generated mass support for opposition rallies.

That said, Saturday's protest sends a signal that Anwar remains the biggest threat to the government and the opposition is willing to risk mass arrests to stay in the public eye.

HOW WILL THE CRACKDOWN AFFECT ECONOMIC REFORMS?

Strong economic growth has kept the country's minorities, especially the richer Chinese population happy, while affirmative action programmes for ethnic Malays have reduced inequalities.

Since the 1998 Asian financial crisis, however, Malaysia has underperformed regional rivals in attracting foreign investment. Malaysia's relatively low-cost economy, built on cheap migrant labour, is facing competitive challenges from China and neighbouring Southeast Asian nations, and the global economic slowdown has slashed exports by 30 percent.

Najib has moved to dismantle some affirmative action programmes, effectively stealing opposition policies, to boost investment, though he risks a backlash from Malays who fear losing privileges.

WHAT COULD DAMAGE NAJIB AND ECONOMIC REFORMS?

Najib's political survival depends on strong economic growth returning before elections due by 2013. For that, he is largely dependent on an upturn in the world economy. Growth was planned at 6 percent a year for the five years to 2010 but has hit that level in only one year.

Reforms announced so far are not going to have a significant impact on growth in the short term and Malaysia's economy is set to contract by 5 percent this year, its biggest annual decline since the 1998 Asian crisis.

Oil company Petronas accounts for almost half of revenue but the prospects of widening the tax base or some type of goods and services tax appear to be slim. With Najib's government still on the backfoot after the 2008 elections gave the opposition unprecedented gains, prospects for meaningful budget reform look dim at the moment.

Since his June announcement opening up some sections of the economy, Najib has also unveiled populist measures and backed off from politically risky energy price hikes.

PM denies knowing Altantuya

PM denies knowing murdered model
4 June, 2009

BEIJING (AP): Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak on Wednesday laughed off opposition attempts to link him to the murdered Mongolian mistress of one of his aides.

Najib told The Associated Press he "had nothing to do with" Altantuya Shaariibuu, a 28-year-old Mongolian model and translator who was having an affair with his close friend and aide Abdul Razak Baginda when she was shot on Oct. 19, 2006. Her body was then blown up in a forest outside Kuala Lumpur, and only fragments were found.

Opposition leaders have repeatedly tried to link Najib to Shaariibuu's death. They claim his close association with Abdul Razak makes him suspect.

"There's no evidence," Najib said. "They've not offered any evidence at all... I have sworn in the name of God, of Allah, that I had nothing to do with her and I can't go beyond that."

Najib added what he described as a "tongue in cheek comment," saying the fact that Shaariibuu was staying at "a two-star run down hotel" at the time of her death was further indication that he had not been involved with her.

"If she was my girlfriend, she will be totally insulted if I put her (there)," he said with a laugh.

The aide, Abdul Razak Baginda, has acknowledged the affair but was acquitted last October of abetting the slaying. Two policemen were sentenced to death in April for her murder, though the trial never established what their motive was. They have appealed.

The Malaysia-Singapore ‘cold war’

The Malaysia-Singapore ‘cold war’
23 May, 2009

Surely Dr Mahathir can’t agree to Najib giving in to Singapore’s demands like what is currently happening. Are we going to see Dr Mahathir going berserk like back in 2006 with all these concessions Najib is granting Singapore?

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

An old acquaintance of mine who was once quite senior in the Fisheries Department related this story, which he said stunned everybody in the room. The occasion was a briefing session and the man who was the target of the briefing was Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the then Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia.

This government officer who was conducting the briefing tried to impress Dr Mahathir on what they were doing. He went into great detail talking about their plans and strategies and how things are going to improve once these plans and strategies are in place. And he concluded by assuring Dr Mahathir that it will work because this is exactly what Singapore is doing.

Dr Mahathir gave the briefing officer a long and hard stare and said, “Please never mention Singapore in front of me again. Don’t you know we are at war with Singapore?”

From that day on, word spread like wildfire that you must never, at all costs, mention Singapore in front of Dr Mahathir, unless it is in a negative light that is. To say that Malaysia too is doing such and such because Singapore is doing the same is to invite disaster and a dead-end career in the government.

We both had a good laugh and I never thought about this incident again until 2006, something like 30 years after I was first told the story about the briefing session. And 2006 was when I started my association with Dr Mahathir soon after the dialogue session that Malaysia Today organised at the Kelab Century Paradise in Taman Melawati in Kuala Lumpur.

“Singapore is just a little red dot,” Dr Mahathir would tell all and sundry, sometimes to a crowd of 1,000 or more.

Why is Dr Mahathir so upset with Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi? Because Pak Lah tunduk (kow tow) to Singapore.

Why is Dr Mahathir so upset that his Crooked Bridge has been aborted, and at a price that is more costly than if they went ahead and built it on top of that? Because Singapore does not want it -- so, by aborting it, Malaysia is bowing to Singapore’s demands.

Why is Dr Mahathir so angry with Kalimullah (whom he calls Hindu God and Muslim Priest)? Because Kalimullah is a Singapore agent.

Why is Dr Mahathir so angry with Khairy Jamaluddin? Because Khairy works for Singapore and is being funded by that ‘little red dot’.

Anything and everything even remotely associated with Singapore is a no-no in Dr Mahathir’s books.

“Of course I can’t get along with Singapore,” laments Dr Mahathir. “I can’t go to Singapore and play golf with Singapore’s leaders and pat each other on the back like those in Pak Lah’s government.”

“Who cares if Singapore wants a new straight bridge to replace the Causeway or not. They can keep their half of the Causeway. We will demolish our half and build half a bridge. And if half a bridge is too short then we shall make it longer by building a crooked bridge.”

“Lee Kuan Yew told me that Goh Chok Tong is too sentimental. That’s why he does not want to see the Causeway demolished. So we will have to wait until Chok Tong retires and then, after he retires, we shall demolish the whole Causeway.”

“Malaysia fought hard to gain independence from Britain. We opposed the British and the British plan for a Malayan Union. However, after 50 years of Merdeka, we are still not independent. We still can’t decide what to do in our own country. Singapore tells us what we can do in our own country. So we are not really that independent after all.”

And it goes on and on -- Singapore this and Singapore that. It is all about Singapore. And all of Dr Mahathir’s unhappiness is because Singapore is the cause of everything that is wrong with this country and all his plans are being torpedoed because of Singapore.

There are those in Umno who say that in 2006 I abandoned Anwar Ibrahim and then jumped into Dr Mahathir’s camp. Then I left Dr Mahathir and swung over to Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah’s camp. And after that I left Tengku Razaleigh to return to Anwar. Why I ‘left’ Dr Mahathir is not clear because there was no quarrel or bad blood between Dr Mahathir and me. I sort of just moved on without any reason offered.

That is what the Umno chaps say and they say this openly enough in their Blogs.

True, I did ‘swing over’ to Dr Mahathir back in 2006. But come 2008, I was involved in the general elections and after that the Pematang Pauh by-election followed by the Kuala Terengganu by-election. In between that I was arrested for sedition and then for criminal defamation after which I was detained a couple of months under the Internal Security Act. So that sort of kept me busy for the last year or so, in between going to the police station numerous times and the many court appearances.

Nevertheless, while I may have been too busy to personally go meet Dr Mahathir in his house and office like I used to from 2006 to early 2008, I still kept in touch by phone and by passing messages through a mutual friend. I also met Matthias many times for lunch, tea or dinner to spend hours discussing matters of mutual interest. And most times the messages would be passed to and from Dr Mahathir through these people.

Dr Mahathir understood that our association was only because we both wanted the same thing -- we both wanted to see Pak Lah ousted from office. That was the one thing that united us. However, after Pak Lah leaves, who should be the man to replace him?

Dr Mahathir knew that my choice of successor was Tengku Razaleigh. In fact, I had personally gone to meet Dr Mahathir in his house during Hari Raya of 2007 to inform him about this. Furthermore, we had a series of meetings with Tengku Razaleigh together with Mukhriz’s boys to discuss how Tengku Razaleigh could make a bid for the Umno Presidency.

I was not naïve in thinking that Anwar would be the next prime minister. This was before the 8 March 2008 general election and we were not sure yet at that time whether there was even going to be a Pakatan Rakyat (or maybe there would be three- or four-corner fights with PKR, PAS and DAP all contesting the same seat against Barisan Nasional). So the man who becomes prime minister has to be someone from Umno and that would have to be Tengku Razaleigh.

But we were not really sure whether Dr Mahathir would endorse Tengku Razaleigh in spite of Mukhriz’s boys appearing to be backing him. When we asked Dr Mahathir to his face whether he preferred Najib over Tengku Razaleigh, he did not give the impression he preferred Najib.

We never thought Dr Mahathir would want Najib because of the ‘Singapore connection’. He is angry with Pak Lah, Kalimullah and Khairy because they are said to be tools or agents of Singapore. But then would this not also be so for Najib?

Tun Daim Zainuddin has personally told Dr Mahathir that Singapore possesses all the evidence that Najib, Razak Baginda and Altantuya met at the Oriental Hotel in Marina Square one year before she died. This means, with the evidence that Singapore possesses, they would be able to blackmail Najib. Surely Dr Mahathir would not want someone who can be blackmailed into doing Singapore’s bidding become the next prime minister knowing how he feels about Singapore and those perceived as under Singapore’s control?

Najib has just made a trip to Singapore and while in Singapore he announced that Malaysia agrees to build a third bridge linking Malaysia and Singapore. Third bridge? If there is going to be a third bridge then there would certainly be a second bridge. And we are no longer talking about crooked bridges as what Dr Mahathir wants. We are talking about straight bridges as what Singapore wants. And Najib also announced that the New Economic Policy would most likely be abolished as what Singapore would like to see.

Hmmm…this is interesting. Does Dr Mahathir know what Najib is doing? Surely Dr Mahathir can’t agree to Najib giving in to Singapore’s demands like what is currently happening. Are we going to see Dr Mahathir going berserk like back in 2006 with all these concessions Najib is granting Singapore?

Well, Dr Mahathir knows I support him in his move to oust Pak Lah. But I just can’t support him on the move to replace Pak Lah with Najib. My choice of successor was Tengku Razaleigh and I never hid that fact from Dr Mahathir. Probably the whole of Umno knows this as well. Anwar Ibrahim and the PKR people certainly do.

Of course, if Pakatan Rakyat forms the government, and Anwar Ibrahim becomes prime minister instead, that is also okay with me. But back in 2006 no one imagined that Pakatan Rakyat would ever be formed, let alone win five states and deny Barisan Nasional its two-thirds majority in parliament.

So the choice was either Tengku Razaleigh or Najib and I never dreamt that Dr Mahathir would choose Najib considering he is so pantang about Singapore and would never accept as prime minister someone whom Singapore can squeeze by the balls -- especially when this someone can be blackmailed about a very secret and sensitive meeting with a woman in the Oriental Hotel in Marina Square who is later found murdered.